占星四書

占星四書（Quadripartitum）
占星四書序篇: 15世紀再版之拉丁文本，譯者為12世紀義大利蒂沃利的柏拉图（Plato of Tivoli）；由Erhard Ratdolt於1484年在威尼斯出版。
作者	托勒密
原名	Apotelesmatika
語言	希臘文
題材	占星學
出版日期	2世紀

占星四書（Tetrabiblos，其他漢譯名稱還有：托勒密四書、天文集、四部書、星象四書、箴言四書），Tetrabiblos這組單字的希臘文是Τετράβιβλος，翻譯為英文就是four books（四書），由於中華文化的儒家經典中已有四書五經的名稱，為防止在意義上的混淆，故而此處把Tetrabiblos翻譯為占星四書以示區別。Tetrabiblos也稱之為Apotelesmatiká，希臘文為Αποτελεσματικά，英文意譯為effects（影響），拉丁文則做為Quadripartitum，英文意譯是four parts（四卷或稱為四篇），是一部有關占星學哲理與應用的極重要典籍，乃2世紀羅馬帝國時代位於埃及亞歷山卓學者克勞狄斯·托勒密（Claudius Ptolemy，cAD 90–cAD 168）所著作，是托勒密四本重要著作之一，由于该书与占星术颇有渊源，许多占星术上的概念来自于该书，使得《占星四書》仍被人们广泛阅读到。

托勒密的《天文學大成》（Almagest）千年來一直是天文學的權威性典籍，它和《占星四書》兩者是姊妹作，對於占星學同樣的都具有影響力，為研究天文週期對凡塵俗世的各種事件所造成的影響。然而《天文學大成》的地心說於天文學界中的權威性已經被太陽系日心說所取代，不過《占星四書》仍然在占星學界裡是一個重要的理論與運用典籍。這部典籍對一個嚴謹治學的占星學員而言，可是被喻為不可或缺的重要著作，中國學者江曉原教授讚譽此古典巨著為「星占之王」。

一些非中文的文字因为尚未翻譯而被隐藏，歡迎參與翻譯。

除了概述占星術的應用技術外，由於托勒密哲學思辨的主題是有關大自然的，因此在西歐的中世紀時代，beneficial study helped secure theological tolerance towards astrology .This allowed Ptolemaic teachings on astrology to be included in universities during the Renaissance, which brought an associated impact upon medical studies and literary works. The book's intellectual standing had collapsed by the end of the 17th century, when Ptolemy's work and the principles it presented faced criticisms of being outmoded and based on superstition.

《占星四書》在歷史上的重要性在於它是最古老且為人所知的資料，中世紀和文藝復興時代有出版許多這方面相關的註解版本。這本巨著被翻印、註解、意譯、刪修以及轉譯成許多不同語言版本。The latest critical Greek edition, by Wolfgang Hübner, was published by Teubner in 1998.

概述與影響力

"I know that I am mortal, the creature of one day; but when I explore the winding courses of the stars I no longer touch with my feet the Earth: I am standing near Zeus himself, drinking my fill of Ambrosia, the food of the gods." ——Ptolemy, Anthologia Palatina, 9.577.

托勒密論及到“許多有名的希臘占星家” and "a pro-astrological authority of the highest magnitude". As a source of reference his Tetrabiblos is described as having "enjoyed almost the authority of a Bible among the astrological writers of a thousand years or more". Compiled in Alexandria in the 2nd century, the work gathered commentaries about it from its first publication. It was translated into Arabic in the ninth century, and is described as "by far the most influential source of medieval Islamic astrology".

12世紀隨著《占星四書》翻譯成拉丁文後，“托勒密占星學”became integrated by 被Albertus Magnus與托馬斯·阿奎那（Thomas Aquinas） into medieval Christian doctrine. This theological acceptance encouraged the teaching of Ptolemaic astrology in universities, often linked to medical studies. This, in turn, brought attention in literary works, such as Dante's, which helped shape the moral, religious and cosmological paradigm of Western Europe during the Medieval era. The Tetrabiblos was largely responsible for laying down the basic precepts of Renaissance astrology, and was a necessary textbook in some of the finest universities of Renaissance and early modern Europe.

16世紀托勒密木刻描繪，來源：Les vrais portraits et vies des hommes illustres，巴黎，1584年，f°87。

17世纪初，托勒密的占星术仍然在欧洲大学的课堂上被讲授，但到了17世纪中叶，关于是否把占星学仍作为博雅教育的一部分的争论开始兴起。 At this time, the contents of the Tetrabiblos started to draw stigmatisation as part of "a diabolical art of divination". One 17th century critic was to write of its subject: "no superstitious art is more fitted to forward the aims of the devil than the astrology of Ptolemy".

17世紀末占星學的知識地位迅速崩潰，然而《占星四書》對世界歷史文化上的影響，卻受到從事古典哲學以及古代科學史研究的學者們持續關注。 在现代西方占星学的实践者看来，《占星四书》仍是一本有影响力的教材。他的英文翻译本在18到20世纪都有出版。 20世纪早期的人道主义占星家丹·鲁德海尔（Dane Rudhyar）认为当时的占星术“绝大部分源于托勒密的著作”。 甚至到了21世纪，占星学教材称《占星四书》是“毫无疑问，对于每个严肃看待占星学的学員都是不可替代的书籍。”

这本书的持续的重要性源自多种因素，托勒密作为古代世界最伟大的哲学家和科学家的名声，本书在占星学上的重要地位，因为它是最早的一部这一领域的集大成著作。托勒密的前无古人的有序和周密的占星学解释。

“托勒密占星學的突出象徵”被形容為“由他的時代的哲學與科學精神所表述”。 Ptolemy wrote at a time when "physics" was defined by philosophy, and his account of stellar effects was expressed in terms of the four Aristotelian qualities (hot, cold, wet, and dry) set against the philosophical notion of universal unity and cosmic harmony. His objective was to explain the rationale of astrology in such terms, so the work is also notable for its dismissal of astrological practices which lack a direct astronomical basis:

As for the nonsense on which many waste their labour and of which not even a plausible account can be given, this we shall dismiss in favour of the primary natural causes; we shall investigate, not by means of lots and numbers of which no reasonable explanation can be given, but merely through the science of the aspects of the stars to the places with which they have familiarity.

此書開端有一個占星學之哲學架構解釋來回答評論者對此主題其正當性的質疑。 Of this, 林恩·桑代克（Lynn Thorndike）, in his History of Magic and Experimental Science, writes: "Only the opponents of astrology appear to have remained ignorant of the Tetrabiblos, continuing to make criticisms of the art which do not apply to Ptolemy's presentation of it or which had been specifically answered by him".

托勒密也许并没有发现《占星四书》中的占星方法。他的贡献在于他把占星方法和占星实践系统化，以宣称占星术是建立在合乎逻辑，一层层的原理上。 占星學影響人的觀點常常被認為是體液變化帶來的氣象性效應，被推測從天體週期帶來的相關變化，諸如熱、冷、潤燥及乾燥氣候影響的結果。

《占星四書》歷史的重要地位與影響力是由於它成書年代非常古老，中世紀和文藝復興時代發行它的相關評論，以及許多翻譯和轉述的版本，旨在以通俗易懂的方式重現其內容。此希臘文本已轉譯成阿拉伯文、拉丁文與許多現代語文。但是一直到18世紀的時候，第一份英譯本卻尚未出現，到了19世紀末時，由美國占星家盧克·布勞頓（Luke Broughton）發表在他身邊至少擁有六本不同的英譯本。然而回頭來看華人圈有關《占星四書》的現代漢譯本今日依然付諸闕如。

標題與日期的結構

托勒密《占星四書》首次印刷版本的序篇，由 Joachim Camerarius轉錄成希臘文與拉丁文（紐倫堡，1535年）。

希臘文與拉丁文一般所稱呼之書名（分別是Tetrabiblos以及Quadripartitum），意義就是“四書”，此乃傳統暱稱 這是在一些希臘手稿題為Μαθηματικὴ τετράβιβλος σύνταξις‘四書運算論’。洛布叢書譯者弗蘭克·埃格爾斯頓·羅賓斯（Frank Eggleston Robbins）於1940年出版英譯本，認為此書名可能是托勒密本人所使用的，縱然他承認有許多其他希臘手稿使用這個書名Τὰ πρὸς Σύρον ἀποτελεσματικά‘The prognostics addressed to Syrus’（漢譯：《獻與賽魯斯之徵驗》）。An ancient anonymous commentary on the work states that some considered the term Tetrabiblos to be a fictitious name.

休伯納，1998年托氏文庫希臘文版編輯，使用這個書名Apotelesmatiká (biblía)，'(books on) effects', which has been followed by recent scholars.亞歷山大·瓊斯（Alexander Jones）, editor of the Springer publication Ptolemy in Perspective (2010) considers that Ptolemy's own title remains unknown, but agrees that the term Apotelesmatika is "a credible guess". This term is variously translated to mean 'influences', 'effects' or 'prognostics'; reflecting the theme of work, which is concerned with gaining foreknowledge of the effects of predictable astronomical cycles.

There is no firmly established date for the compilation of the Tetrabiblos but Ptolemy discloses in his 'Introductory Address' that he wrote his astrological treatise after completing his astronomical one: the 《天文學大成》。 Evidence within the Almagest reveals that the astronomical work could not have been completed before about 145 AD, which demonstrates that Ptolemy wrote the Tetrabiblos towards the end of his life, sometime between completing the Almagest and his death, generally reported to be around 168 A.D.

卷一：原理和技術

由天文謬思指導托勒密加冕雕繪，來自Margarita Philosophica由格列高尔·赖什（Gregor Reisch）所作，1508年。雖然艾布·麦尔舍尔（Abu Ma'shar）相信托勒密是亞歷山大東征之後統治埃及的托勒密王朝之後代，此標題‘托勒密王’通常被視為提升托勒密在科學地位的一個尊重象徵。

序篇

"Most events of a general nature draw their causes from the enveloping heavens." ——Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos I.1.

本文開頭附有托勒密對於賽魯斯（Syrus）的致辭，托勒密所有的作品都奉獻於這位世人未知的前賢。托勒密在此區分兩種類型的天文研究：其一（天文學，正式的研究方向）發現天體循環及它的運行規律；其二（占星學）研究這些運行規律所帶來的相關變化。 他指出每一個都有其獨自的科學以及前者是and the former is desirable in its own right "even though it does not attain the result given by its combination with the second". This is taken to demonstrate Ptolemy's view that astronomy has a more profitable purpose when serving the interests of astrology. Although the terms astronomia and astrologia were used interchangeably in ancient texts, this also demonstrates a clear differentiation between the two subjects which led Ptolemy to explain their principles in two separate works.

Ptolemy states that having dealt with the former subject （天文學） in its own treatise, he "shall now give an account of the second and less self-sufficient method in a properly philosophical way, so that one whose aim is the truth might never compare its perceptions with the sureness of the first". In this, and further introductory remarks, he reveals his view that astrological prediction is extremely difficult and easily subject to error, but satisfactorily attainable to those who possess the necessary skill and experience, and of too much benefit to be dismissed simply because it can sometimes be mistaken.

托勒密哲學論點

第2章與第3章比較重要在於托勒密哲學的主題思辨上。弗朗茨·波爾（Franz Boll）在古老哲學源流上已注意到其論點特別是與斯多葛哲人波希多尼（Posidonius，c135 BCE–cAD 51 BCE）相類似。同樣地，托勒密的敘述由後面的哲學家還有天文學家所借鑑，像是约翰尼斯·开普勒（Johannes Kepler）他使用了類似的例子和相同的參數去解釋一些占星學主張的物理學基礎。由一個現代的註釋者形容“科學上的說法，完全值得稱讚”， another has condemned these chapters as the place where Ptolemy's "knowledge, intelligence and rhetorical skill" are most "misused".

在第一章托勒密主張這項研究的正當性In chapter one Ptolemy asserts the legitimacy of the study and identifies the two main arguments set against it：

1. the complexity of the subject makes its claim of providing reliable foreknowledge unattainable;
2. reliable foreknowledge—if it can be attained—would imply such fatalism as to make the subject's purpose useless (since if the future is predictable, anything which is destined to happen will happen whether predicted or not).

Ptolemy then answers each criticism in the following two chapters.

占星學可信度之爭論

在第二章托勒密主張知識的獲得可以由天文學觀測達到以及他根據著『亞里士多德－斯多葛』（Aristotelian-Stoic）哲理企圖去劃定其知識範圍的界線 。托勒密指出太陽如何對地球的季節和每日週期具有重大的影響力，而且自然界許多事物被月亮所影響也是同時發生：

... as the heavenly body nearest the Earth, the Moon bestows her effluence most abundantly upon mundane things, for most of them, animate or inanimate, are sympathetic to her and change in company with her; the rivers increase and diminish their streams with her light, the seas turn their own tides with her rising and setting, and plants and animals in whole or in some part wax and wane with her.

He extends this ability to stir the weather and steer the biological patterns of earthly creatures to the fixed stars and planets, so that everything which experiences cycles of growth, or patterns of behaviour, is in some way responsive to the celestial cycles. These bring about elemental changes (hot, windy, snowy or watery conditions, etc): led by the Sun, activated by the Moon and aided by the planetary configurations and the fixed stars' phenomena. The prevailing meteorological qualities are then considered to determine the temperament – the quality of the moment of time at a specific place - which is presumed to be impressed, as a sort of temporal imprint, upon the seed of anything which comes into germination or manifestation at that moment in time. Ptolemy admits that successful analysis of this temperament is not easily attained but is capable of being determined by someone who is able to regard the data “both scientifically and by successful conjecture”. 他質疑為何， if a person can reliably predict the general weather patterns and their effects upon agricultural seeds and animals from the knowledge of the celestial cycles:

... can he not, too, with respect to an individual man, perceive the general quality of his temperament from the ambient at the time of his birth, … and predict occasional events, by the fact that such and such an ambient is attuned to such and such a temperament and is favourable to prosperity, while another is not so attuned and conduces to injury?

Whilst suggesting that such arguments are enough to demonstrate the validity of astrology, Ptolemy accepts that many mistakes are made in its practice - partly because of "evident rascals" who profess to practice it without due knowledge and pretend to foretell things which cannot be naturally known (sometimes using the term 'astrology' for practices which are not true to the genuine study of astrology) and because legitimate practitioners must acquire a magnitude of knowledge and experience within a limited life-span. His summary is that the study is usually only able to give reliable knowledge in general terms; that astrological advice should be welcomed but not expected to be faultless; and that the astrologer should not be criticised but encouraged to integrate non-celestial information within the compilation of a judgement (such as what is known of an individual’s ethnic background, nationality and parental influences).

15世紀作為博雅教育之一的天文學之手稿插圖，圖中顯示了托勒密作為其學科支持者。

是否占星學的說法是自然的並且有幫助的

托勒密在第三章中認為占星學預測是自然並且有益的。 The translation of these ideas into Latin in the 12th century are described as being "of critical importance" to the adoption of a favourable attitude towards astrology within Christianity in the Medieval period.

Ptolemy first proposes that it is not "useless" to create predictions of what is likely to happen, even if the predictions do not provide the means to avoid impending disaster. This was one of the well known classical criticisms that had been brought to prominence in Cicero's text De Divinatione, in the argument that no good comes from warnings of imminent disasters when they offer no means of escape. Ptolemy gives a more positive view of divination in his assessment of astrology as a subject "by which we gain full view of things human and divine", which, he argues, gives a better perception of "what is fitting and expedient for the capabilities of each temperament". He views astrology as a subject which encourages enhanced self-knowledge, to be valued as a source of pleasure and well-being; since even if astrology cannot aid in the acquisition of riches or fame; the same can be said of all philosophy, which concerns itself with "greater advantages". Hence, in the case of unfortunate events that will necessarily take place, Ptolemy asserts that astrological prediction still brings benefits, because "foreknowledge accustoms and calms the soul by experience of distant events as though they were present, and prepares it to greet with calm and steadiness whatever comes".

Ptolemy's next argument was to avoid the criticisms that arise when the practice of prediction is seen to suggest fatal necessity. This point was crucial to later theological acceptance, since Medieval religious doctrine dictates that the individual soul must possess free will, in order to be responsible for its own choices and the consequences that flow from them. Gerard of Feltre's 13th century text Summa on the Stars demonstrates the problem that astrological determinism creates for the theological argument: "If the stars make a man a murderer or a thief, then all the more it is the first cause, God, who does this, which it is shameful to suggest". Ptolemy's comments counter the criticism by proposing that whilst the celestial cycles are entirely reliable and "eternally performed in accordance with divine, unchangeable destiny", all earthly things are also subject to "a natural and mutable fate, and in drawing its first causes from above it is governed by chance and natural sequence". He therefore declares that nothing is irrevocably ordained, and we are not to imagine that "events attend mankind as the result of the heavenly cause as if … destined to take place by necessity without the possibility of any other cause whatever interfering".

In this discussion Ptolemy makes a point that was to be called upon by many later astrological writers, that "the lesser cause always yields to the stronger". He sees an individual as unable to resist the greater cycles of change which happen to the wider community, so even a man whose horoscope indicates gain may perish at a time that his community is struck by natural disaster or pestilence. However, Ptolemy also maintains that disastrous events will only follow a natural course if no counter action is taken to avert the problem, as when "future happenings to men are not known, or if they are known and the remedies are not applied". He takes a balanced position in the argument of fate versus free will in writing that certain things, because their effective causes are numerous, become inevitable, whilst others are able to be averted by the act of astrological prediction. The astrologer's position is compared to that of the physician, who must be able to recognise beforehand which ailments are always fatal, and which admit of aid.

"...it is the same with philosophy - we need not abandon it because there are evident rascals amongst those that pretend to it." ——Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos I.2.

It is therefore reasonable, in Ptolemy's estimation, to moderate actions with awareness of how the prevailing and future temperament prospers or injures the natal temperament, or to elect to act at a time that is astrologically suitable to the activity – just as it is deemed rational to use knowledge of the stars to ensure safety at sea; to use knowledge of the lunar cycle to ensure successful breeding and sowing, or to cool ourselves against the extremes of temperature in order that we suffer less.

托勒密哲學總結於這個主題上，其有助於保障它的知識地位一直到18世紀，因此："even if it be not entirely infallible, at least its possibilities have appeared worthy of the highest regard". Having justified his intellectual involvement in the study, according to the philosophical principles of his day, Ptolemy then turns his attention to the practical theory of astrology, and the rationale that lies behind the arrangement of its principles.

原則簡介

天體圖 — 地心說之示意圖，為葡萄牙籍宇宙學家及製圖家巴爾托洛梅烏·維利烏所描繪，1568年（Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris）。

《占星四書》的獨特功能，其中包括了行星週期的占星學文本，是第一本有程度的介紹占星學基本原則的作品，然而他們綜合判讀與解釋的理論背後與亞里士多德學派一致。第四章，例如：解釋“行星的力量”貫穿他結合與原創的人體體液溫暖與潮溼的特性、或還原冷酷與乾燥的特性。因此火星被形容為一種破壞性的行星，因為它是牽涉到人體體液過度乾燥，whilst Jupiter is defined as temperate and fertilising because its association is moderate warmth and humidity. These associations are based on the arrangements of the planets with regard to the Sun, as perceived from the 地心說, by which their orbits are measured is if they are centred upon the Earth.

In reference to these principles the next three chapters define the planets as benefic (moderately warming or moistening) or malefic (excessively cooling or drying); either masculine (drying) or feminine (moistening); and either active and diurnal (suited to the qualities of the day and aligned with the nature of the Sun) or passive and nocturnal (suited to the qualities of the night and aligned with the nature of the Moon). Since these humoural associations derive from configurations with the Sun,第八章描述他們是如何根據每個行星轨道周期與太陽的相位巧妙的做出修正。

第九章討論“恆星的力量”。Here, rather than give direct humoural associations, Ptolemy describes their "temperatures" as being like that of the planets he has already defined. Hence Aldebaran ("called the Torch") is described as having "a temperature like that of Mars", whilst other stars in the Hyades are "like that of Saturn and moderately like that of Mercury". At the end of the chapter Ptolemy clarifies that these are not his proposals, but are drawn from historical sources, being "the observations of the effects of the stars themselves as made by our predecessors".

托勒密在黃道十二星座天球圖（celestial spheres）下教導芮吉欧蒙塔那司（Regiomontanus）。出自托勒密《天文學大成》卷首，（威尼斯，1496年）。

Chapter ten returns to the humoural theme more explicitly, clarifying that the zodiac is aligned to the seasons and so expressive of the shifting emphasis through moisture, warmth, dryness and cold, (as brought about by spring, summer, autumn, and winter). Similarly, the four angles of the chart present an humoural emphasis through association with the effects of the four cardinal winds that blow from their aligned directions.卷一的其餘部分，一直到最後兩個章節有涉及到行星相位（planetary phases）還有星盤格局的運用，主星呈現、宮位劃分，加上黃道十二星座的配置，其中大部份是有關天文的定義、季節性效應和幾何學史（History of geometry）。

托勒密的時代黃道星座的範圍是接近那些肉眼可見的星群，它們各具其名，然而托勒密在描述黃道帶固定的起點時於兩個參考結構間的理論證明其區別，沒有論及到星宿，但是已使用數學精確計算過春分點（vernal equinox）。這是確定季節性基礎回歸黃道（tropical zodiac）它的取名源於希臘字‘τροπικός’（tropikos），意義：‘旋轉’，因為它是季節轉換間，此即歲差，經過緩慢逐漸的公轉運動通過肉眼可見的星群。出於同樣的原因，標示太陽在夏至點與冬至點的星座（即巨蟹座和摩羯座）則被形容為‘至點星座’（tropical signs），自太陽在黃道座標系統‘運行’方向的設置（藉以確定地球的緯線及眾所周知的北回歸線和南回歸線）。

Whereas other ancient astrological writers gave their emphasis to the astrological interpretation of such definitions (例如：in describing how tropical signs are indicative of quickly changing situations)， Ptolemy's focus is notably different; given to the astronomical and philosophical factors that underlie the definitions rather than their astrological meaning in practice. Ptolemy explains that the definitions of the zodiac are not his own, but present "the natural characters of the zodiacal signs, as they have been handed down by tradition". His approach finds elegant expression where he is demonstrating the logic of schematic arrangements (such as the philosophical principles behind the planetary rulership of signs), but is noted to convey detachment in regard to the elements of astrology that are not so obviously plausible. This can be seen in the way that Ptolemy avoids going into detail on the facets of astrology that rely on mythological, or symbolic associations, and how he is willing to outline the reasoning behind conflicting astrological proposals without revealing any personal preference for one scheme over another.

Some commentators have viewed Ptolemy's comparatively dispassionate approach towards points of astrological contention as reason to suppose he was more interested in the theoretical principles than the actual practice of astrology. On the other hand, the objective tone that marks his style; his assertion that the subject is natural (by which he makes no demand for oaths of secrecy from its students as some contemporaries do); and the way he shows respectful reference to alternative views without vilifying authors whose practices might differ from his own, all helped to secure the text’s historical reputation as an intellectually superior one. Classics scholar Mark Riley raised these points in his assessment that Ptolemy approached the subject of astrology with exactly the same theoretical inclination that he applied to astronomy, geography and the other sciences on which he wrote. This distinctive style of approach led Riley to conclude: "The respect shown to Ptolemy’s work by all later astrologers was due, not to its usefulness to the practitioner, but to his magisterial synthesis of astrology and science".

卷二：世俗占星術

卷二介紹了托勒密世俗占星術的論述。此處提供一個包羅萬象的視野，民族既定觀（ethnic stereotypes）、日月蝕、彗星徵象還有季節性月亮週期（lunations），用在國家經濟、戰爭、傳染病、自然災害與气候类型的預測。由托勒密對占星學詮釋可是既詳細且具有深度與廣度，所以沒有其他留存的古代文本可以與其相比的。縱使沒有可供證明的範例，he writes with authority in this branch of his subject, which suggests it was of particular interest to him. Modern commentators have remarked that Ptolemy was "consciously taking a different approach" to contrast "with the 'old', infinitely complicated methods".

Ptolemy begins by stating he has briefly reviewed the important principles and will now develop the details of astrology in the appropriate order. His point is that astrological assessment of any 'particular' individual must rest upon prior knowledge of the 'general' temperament of their ethnic type; and that the circumstances of individual lives are subsumed, to some extent, within the fate of their community.

The second chapter gives a broad generalisation of how genetic differences develop between the inhabitants of the various climes (a demarcation based on latitude). Communities that live close to the equator, for example, are described as having black skins, small statures, and thick woolly hair, as a protective response to the burning heat of that location. By contrast, communities that have settled in high northern regions are defined by their colder environment and its greater share of moisture. Their bodily forms are paler, taller, with finer hair, and in their characteristics they are described as "somewhat cold in nature". Both types are described as lacking civilisation because of the extremes of their environment, whereas communities that live in temperate regions are medium in colouring, moderate in stature and enjoy a more equable lifestyle. The several regions are similarly defined according to the mix that arises within this kind of analysis. Ptolemy explains that such considerations are only dealt with summarily, as a background consideration for what follows. He also makes clear that such traits are to be found "generally present, but not in every individual".

15世紀的地圖顯示出托勒密對人類已知世界的描述，1482年，约翰尼斯·施尼茨尔（Johannes Schnitzer）。

第三章裏托勒密總結他所關注的占星學與地理學，以占星學聯想而勾勒出“我們居住的世界”地圖。地圖根據托勒密的《地理學指南》（Geographica）顯示出托勒密對當時西洋人所居世界的定義（概略性）範圍從赤道至北緯66°，涵蓋陸地區塊由大西洋到東中國海。 Ptolemy extends the logic given 於古老的巴比倫文獻裏in ancient Babylonian texts where the four quarters of the known world are attributed to the four triplicity arrangements of the zodiac. The attribution is based on association between the planets that govern the triplicities and the directions and winds those planets are affiliated with. For example, the 'Aries triplicity' (which includes Aries, Leo and Sagittarius) is chiefly dominated by Jupiter and assisted by Mars. Jupiter rules the north wind and Mars the west wind; therefore this triplicity governs the north-west quarter of Ptolemy’s "inhabited world": the area known as Europe.

Again, these divisions are general, and specific rulership of each nation is modified by location and observed cultural distinctions. For example, in Europe, only those regions that lie to the north-west extremes are fully attributed to Jupiter and Mars, since those that lie towards the centre of the inhabited area incline towards the influence of opposing regions. In this way, the "inhabited region" experiences a drift of astrological correspondence rather than sharp divisions within its quarters, and independent nations are variously affiliated with the signs of each triplicity and the planets that rule them. Ptolemy names Britain and Spain as two nations appropriately placed in the north-west quarter to accept the rulership of Jupiter and Mars. Such nations are described as "independent, liberty-loving, fond of arms, industrious", based on characteristics attributed to those planets. Being predominantly governed by masculine planets they are also "without passion for women and look down upon the pleasures of love". Observed characteristics influence his categorisation of Britain as having a closer affinity with Aries and Mars (by which "for the most part its inhabitants are fiercer, more headstrong and bestial"), whilst Spain is reported to be more subject to Sagittarius and Jupiter, (from which is evidenced "their independence, simplicity and love of cleanliness").

Though Ptolemy describes his analysis as a "brief exposition", the chapter builds into an extensive association between planets, zodiac signs and the national characteristics of 73 nations. It concludes with three additional assertions which act as core principles of mundane astrology:

1. Each of the fixed stars has familiarity with the countries attributed to the sign of its ecliptic rising.
2. The time of the first founding of a city (or nation) can be used in a similar way to an individual horoscope, to astrologically establish the characteristics and experiences of that city. The most significant considerations are the regions of the zodiac which mark the place of the Sun and Moon, and the four angles of the chart – in particular the ascendant.
3. If the time of the foundation of the city or nation is not known, a similar use can be made of the horoscope of whoever holds office or is king at the time, with particular attention given to the midheaven of that chart.

日月蝕的採用

本書的剩下部分介紹了如何使用這些資料來預測塵世間的事件。重點在於日月蝕方面，作為“首先和最有力的”引起變化的原因，輔以外側行星的‘停驻’調查：土星、木星以及火星。 Although eclipses are deemed relevant to any nation affiliated with the zodiac signs in which they occur, Ptolemy's scrutiny is reserved for regions where they are visible, which he argues will manifest the effects most noticeably. The period of obscuration determines the endurance of the effect, with each hour proportioning to years for a solar eclipse and months for a lunar eclipse. The location of the eclipse with relation to the horizon is then used to judge whether the effects are most prevalent at the beginning, middle or end of the period, with times of intensification identified by planetary contacts to the degree of the eclipse which occur within this period.

描繪托勒密正使用著四分儀的圖像，來自於Giordano Ziletti所著Principles of astrology and geography according to Ptolemy（書名漢譯為《根據托勒密的占星學與地理學原則》），1564年。

Chapter 7 begins the examination of what type of event will manifest. This is judged by the angle of the horizon which precedes the eclipse in the chart set for the location under scrutiny and the planet(s) that dominate this angle by rulership and powerful aspectual connections. Whether the predicted effect is beneficial or destructive depends on the condition of these planets, whilst the type of manifestation is judged by the zodiac signs, fixed stars and constellations involved. The resulting prediction is of relevance to nations, but Ptolemy points out that certain individuals are more resonant to the effects than others; namely those have the Sun or Moon in their horoscopes in the same degree as the eclipse, or the degree that directly opposes it.

在他的《天文學大成》裏托勒密解釋說他取得從纳巴那沙王（Nabonassar）統治開始以來（747 BC）的900多年所保存的日月蝕紀錄。 In chapter 9 of the Tetrabiblos he shows knowledge of the Babylonian lore that accompanied these records in detailing the omens based on visual phenomena. The colours of eclipses and "the formations that occur near them, such as rods, halos, and the like" are considered along with the astrological significance of comets, in whether they take the form of "'beams', 'trumpets', 'jars', and the like". Meaning is derived from their position relative to the Sun and assessment of "the parts of the zodiac in which their heads appear and through the directions in which the shapes of their tails point". It is noted that here Ptolemy uses principles that fall outside the neat theoretical logic he presents in book I, being explicable only in terms of the mythological and omen tradition inherited from his ancient sources. He also defends the subjective nature of the analysis involved, asserting that it would be impossible to mention the proper outcome of all this investigation, which calls for enterprise and ingenuity from the astrologer creating the judgement.

卷二是專門描述有關氣象事件。Chapter 10 specifies that the new or full Moon preceding the Sun’s ingress into Aries can be used as a starting point for investigations concerning the weather patterns of the year. Lunations which precede the Sun’s ingress into any the other equinoctial and solstice signs (Cancer, Libra and Capricorn) can also be used for seasonal concerns, and within these "monthly investigations" bring more particular details based on lunations and the conjunctions of the planets. The recorded weather effects of the fixed stars in the zodiac constellations are systematically discussed, concluding with the relevance of generally observed sky phenomena such as shooting stars, cloud formations and rainbows. These final considerations are expected to add localised details to the original exploration of eclipse cycles. Ptolemy's theme throughout the book is that charts of this nature cannot be judged in isolation, but are to be understood within the pattern of cycles to which they belong, and where there are strong connections between the degree points involved; for:

In every case… one should draw his conclusions on the principle that the universal and primary underlying cause takes precedence and that the cause of particular events is secondary to it, and that the force is most ensured and strengthened when the stars which are the lords of the universal natures are configurated with the particular causes.

With the astrologer expected to have knowledge and awareness of the mundane cycles that outline the background principles of the personal horoscope, Ptolemy closes this book with the promise that the next will supply "with due order" the procedure which allows predictions based on the horoscopes of individuals.

卷三：個人占星術（遺傳影響及傾向）

拜占廷重現希臘占星術被認為是哲人歐托基奧斯（Eutocius）的貢獻，497年

Books III and IV explore what Ptolemy terms "the genethlialogical art": the interpretation of a horoscope set for the moment of the birth of an individual. He explains that there are several cycles of life to consider but the starting point for all investigation is the time of conception or birth. The former "the genesis of the seed"” allows knowledge of events that precede the birth; the latter "the genesis of the man" is "more perfect in potentiality" because when the child leaves the womb and comes "forth into the light under the appropriate conformation of the heavens" the temperament, disposition and physical form of the body is set. The two moments are described as being linked by a “very similar causative power”, so that the seed of the conception takes independent form at an astrologically suitable moment, whereby the impulse to give birth occurs under a "configuration of similar type to that which governed the child's formation in detail in the first place".第二章持續討論計算出生正確度的重要性之優勢這個主題，the difficulty of recording local time precisely enough to establish this, and the methods available for rectification (i.e., ensuring the chart is correct).

卷三介紹如何劃分到預測分析星盤：

1. 必要條件，確立出生前的遺傳因素（如家庭與父母的影響力），
2. those that become known at the birth (如孩子的性別and birth defects), and
3. those that can only be known post-natally (such as length of life, the quality of the mind, illnesses, marriage, children, and material fortunes).

Ptolemy explains the order by which each theme becomes relevant, and follows this in his arrangement of topics presented in the remaining chapters of books III and IV.

他首先涉及出生前的事項，在第四章涵蓋占星學中雙親的象徵星（significators），加上第五章的兄弟姐妹們。 Then he deals with the matters "directly concerned with the birth", explaining how to judge such issues as whether the child will be male or female (ch.6); whether the birth will produce twins or multiple children (ch.7); and whether it will involve physical defects or monstrous forms; if so, whether these are accompanied by mental deficiency, notability or honour (ch.8).

"The consideration of the length of life takes the leading place among inquiries about events following birth, for, as the ancient says, it is ridiculous to attach particular predictions to one who, by the constitution of the years of his life, will never attain at all to the time of the predicted events. This doctrine is no simple matter, nor unrelated to others, but in complex fashion derived from the domination of the places of greatest authority." ——Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos III.10.

The exploration of post-natal concerns begins in chapter 9 with a review of astrological factors that occur when children are not reared. This considers the indications of still births and babies that seem "half-dead", or those that have been left exposed (including whether there is possibility they may be taken up and live). Chapter 10 then details the techniques for establishing the length of life under normal circumstances. This is an important and lengthy passage of text, the techniques of which require precise astronomical detail and advanced knowledge of complex progressive techniques. Jim Tester has commented on how Ptolemy goes into an unusual level of detail in a responsibility that Bouché-Leclercq described as “the chief task of astrology, the operation judged most difficult by practitioners, most dangerous and damnable by its enemies”. Such a prediction involves judicial skill as well as mathematical expertise since several 'destructive' periods may be identified but countered by other, protective astrological influences, resulting in periods of danger or illness that does not lead to death. This is followed, in chapter 11, by the astrological principles from which judgement is made of bodily appearance and temperament. Since these define, to some extent, predisposition towards bodily afflictions, there is a natural flow towards the content of chapter 12, which focuses on the astrological significators relating to injuries and diseases.

The third book concludes with a discussion in chapters 13 and 14 of what is described as a "largely overlooked" facet of Ptolemaic doctrine: the "psychological" one, which concerns the quality of the soul (or psyche).史家尼古拉斯·坎比恩（Nicholas Campion） has discussed the roots of the notion that celestial and psychological realms are connected, which can be traced to the sixth century BC, and in Ptolemy's case presents a mixture of Aristotelian and Stoic philosophy, resting on the Platonic view that "the soul comes from the heavens" which explains "how human character comes to be determined by the heavens".

The soul, for Ptolemy, includes the faculty for conscious reasoning, which is rational and attributed to the condition of Mercury, and the subconscious and unconscious elements of the mind (the "sensory and irrational part"), which is sensitive and attributed to the condition of the Moon. These two chapters make analysis of instinctual impulses and moral inclinations, being concerned with psychological motives and behavioural expression rather than the physical temperament described in chapter 11. Diseases of the soul are defined as "affections which are utterly disproportionate and as it were pathological" including insanity, inability to exercise moderation or restraint, instability of the emotions, depraved sexuality, morbid pervasions, and violent afflictions of the intellectual and passive parts of the mind. The astrological explanations are mainly related to the exaggerated influence of destructive planets which are also in difficult configurations with Mercury and the Sun or Moon, or the planet associated with the psychological impulse (for example, Venus in matters of sexuality). Campion has pointed out that these planetary associations with psychological qualities are not original to Ptolemy, being present in the Corpus Hermeticum which was in circulation in Alexandria at the time Ptolemy compiled his text.

Within this book Ptolemy has surveyed all the topics that relate to inner qualities, genetic patterns, predispositions and the natural tendencies present from birth. His exploration of individual horoscopes continues into book IV, the only distinction of content being that subsequent topics relate to material matters and life experiences: what Ptolemy refers to as "external accidentals".

卷四：個人占星術（外部記號）

托勒密的地心天球圖；出自Peter Apian的Cosmographia（漢譯《宇宙誌》），1539年。

卷四提出了簡短的介紹重申內容的安排如前所述。It starts with the topics of riches and honour. Ptolemy says: "as material fortune is associated with the properties of the body, so honour belongs to those of the soul". Chapter 2, on material wealth, employs the "so-called 'Lot of Fortune'" although Ptolemy's instruction conflicts with that of many of his contemporaries in stating that for its calculation "we measure from the horoscope the distance from the sun to the moon, in both diurnal and nocturnal nativities". Ptolemy's reputation ensured this approach to calculation was adopted by many later Medieval and Renaissance astrologers, although it is now realised that most Hellenistic astrologers reversed the formula of calculation for nocturnal births. It is notable that in his discussion "Of the fortune of Dignity", in chapter three, Ptolemy makes no reference to the Lot of Spirit (or Daimon), which would normally be used as the spiritual counterpart to the material wealth and happiness associated with the Lot of Fortune. This is viewed as a demonstration of his general dislike (declared in bk. III.3) for "lots and numbers of which no reasonable explanation can be given".

The subsequent chapter, the title of which is translated by Robbins as 'Of the Quality of Action', concerns professional inclinations and the significators of career advance (or decline). This is followed by the treatment of marriage in chapter 5, which is primarily referred to the Moon in a man's chart, to describe his wife, and the Sun in a woman's chart to describe her husband. Here Ptolemy shows employment of the astrological technique known as synastry, in which the planetary positions of two separate horoscopes are compared with each other for indications of relationship harmony or enmity.

"Marriages for the most part are lasting when in both the genitures the luminaries happen to be in harmonious aspect, that is, in trine or in sextile with one another … Divorces on slight pretexts and complete alienations occur when the aforesaid positions of the luminaries are in disjunct signs, or in opposition or in quartile." ——Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos IV.5.

The next four chapters complete the survey of natal themes, dealing with the topics of children (ch.6); friends and enemies (ch.7); the dangers of foreign travel (ch.8) and the quality (or type) of death (ch.9 – as opposed to the time of death considered in III.10).

The final chapter of the work is described as "a curious one" for introducing a separate theme at the end of the book. This refers to the seven 'ages of man', which Ptolemy briefly mentioned in III.1 as a matter which varies the emphasis of astrological configurations according to the time in life they occur: "we predict events that will come about at specific times and vary in degree, following the so called ages of life. His argument is that, just as an astrologer must consider cultural differences "lest he mistake the appropriate customs and manners by assigning, for example, marriage with a sister to one who is Italian by race, instead of to the Egyptian as he should", it is necessary to consider the age in life that important astrological events occur. This is to ensure the prediction will "harmonise those details which are contemplated in temporal terms with that which is suitable and possible for persons in the various age-classes" and avoid out-of-context predictions such as imminent marriage for a young child, or "to an extremely old man the begetting of children or anything else that fits younger men". This leads into a discussion of the planetary themes of the seven ages of life which:

...for likeness and comparison depends upon the order of the seven planets; it begins with the first age of man and with the first sphere from us, that is, the moon's, and ends with the last of the ages and the outermost of the planetary spheres, which is called that of Saturn.

The information in the passage can be summarised as follows:

行星 週期 歲數 世代 行星的主題 月亮 first 4 years 0–3 嬰兒期 suppleness, growth, changeability, nourishment of the body 水星 next 10 years 4–14 兒童期 development of intelligence, articulation, physical and mental dexterity 金星 next 8 years 15–22 青少年期 impulse towards love and sexuality, burning passion, guile 太陽 next 19 years 23–41 成年期 responsibilities, ambition, substance, decorum, change from playfulness 火星 next 15 years 42–56 壯年期 severity, realisation of passing prime, labour to complete life-tasks 木星 next 12 years 57–68 中年期 fulfilment, retirement, independence, dignity, deliberation, honour 土星 all remaining years 69–death 老年期 coldness, weakness, decline, impediments, dispiritedness

The book ends with a brief discussion of astronomical and symbolic cycles used in the prediction of timed events, which includes mention of (primary) directions, annual profections, ingresses, lunations and transits.

洛布叢書1940年英譯版譯者，羅賓斯（F. E. Robbins），發表關於這本書最後章節“令人費解的問題”。One group of manuscripts have either been left unconcluded or supplied with text that matches an Anonymous Paraphrase of the work (speculatively attributed to Proclus); the other presents text which is the same in general content, but longer, according with manuscripts that were transmitted through Arabic translations. Robbins considers it certain that the ending which concurs with the text of the Paraphrase is spurious. Robert Schmidt, the English translator of the later Project Hindsight edition agrees with his choice, stating that the text of the latter "sounds more generally Ptolemaic".

Robbins explains that the lack of an ending usually occurs when ancient books are compiled in the form of a codex rather than a roll. Since the Paraphrase edition of the Tetrabiblos aimed to present the work's meaning without Ptolemy’s own complicated style of text construction, Robbins says that he "cannot conceive how anyone (except perhaps Ptolemy) could have reversed the process and evolved the tortuous, crabbed Greek of the latter from the comparatively simple language of the former". He therefore offers both versions of the ending whilst lending his support to that which is found in the Arabic version of the text. This has the book conclude with Ptolemy declaring "since the topic of nativities has been summarily reviewed, it would be well to bring this procedure also to a fitting close".

版本及流通

目前原始的手稿文件尚未流傳下來；《占星四書》的主要內容是透過翻譯作品、一些片段文字、轉述副本以及後代的希臘文相關評論手稿得知的。占星研究專家德博拉·霍丁（Deborah Houlding）,in an analysis of how specific points agree or vary between different editions, suggests that areas of conflicting details have been affected by three main streams of transmission: manuscripts that have passed through Arabic translation; those based on a paraphrased edition, and manuscripts that are dated four centuries later than the Arabic ones, but which have not undergone translation out of Greek.

阿拉伯文翻譯

最古老的現存手稿是一部阿拉伯譯本，於9世紀為伊沙克·本·侯賽因（Ishaq ben Husein）所編纂。這是第一部於1138年由蒂沃利的柏拉圖（Plato de Tivoli）在巴塞隆納（Barcelona）翻譯成拉丁文，第一本完整介紹托勒密占星學進入中世紀歐洲而成為具有影響力之著作。它至少殘存九種手稿與五種文藝復興時期的印刷版本。

其他阿拉伯文來源的拉丁文翻譯版本包括一份在1206年編輯（未出版）的匿名文稿以及另一位由13世紀的埃及迪奧·泰巴爾迪（Egidio Tebaldi或是Aegidius de Thebaldis）著作。通常而言，拉丁文翻譯著作來自已廣為普及的阿拉伯文本與在11世紀由Ali ibn Ridwan （Haly）所編輯的評論本。

艾哈德·罗道特（Erhard Ratdolt）於1484於年首次出版埃及迪奧·泰巴爾迪的翻譯，同時還與哈里（Haly）的評論與一本“託名托勒密”（pseudo-Ptolemaic）而被稱為《金言百則》（Centiloquium）的格言集也一起發行。這已被描述為“the creature of late-fifteenth-century Italian presses”.

翻譯根據的版本

一部匿名的希臘文轉述本被推測是由5世紀的哲人蒲洛克勒斯（Proclus）所作。此書通常被名之曰《蒲氏譯本》（Proclus' Paraphrase），雖然其真實性遭到質疑，being decribed as "very doubtful" by Professor Stephan Heilen.《釋義》（Paraphrase）的內容接近《占星四書》的手稿，but it uses simplified text with the aim of providing what Heilen calls "a more easily understandable version of the difficult original work".

這個文本沒有現代評論版。 The oldest extant manuscript is dated to the 10th century and housed in the Vatican Library (Ms. Vaticanus gr.1453, S. X., ff.1–219). Some of the text of the Paraphrase was published with a Latin translation and Preface by 菲利普·梅兰希通（Philipp Melanchthon） in Basel, 1554, but this was not widely circulated. A full reproduction with an accompanying Latin translation was made around 1630 by the Vatican scholar 利奧·阿拉奇乌斯（Leo Allatius）"for his own private gratification" and this was published by the Elzevir typsetters in 萊登, 1635, apparently without Allatius's knowledge or consent.

Allatius' Latin translation was used as the source of all English translations of the Tetrabiblos prior to the Robbins' edition of 1940. These include translations made by John Whalley (1701); the Whalley "corrected edition" made by Ebenezer Sibly and his brother (1786); J.M. Ashmand (1822); James Wilson (1828); and other 19th century privately circulated manuscripts such as that of John Worsdale.

希臘手稿

雖然沒有托勒密原稿副本的留存，但是還有其他古典作品，如Hephaistio的Apotelesmatics I，這部著作描述及重現《占星四書》的一些段落。這些都是用來協助考證內容有爭議的部分。

最古老且相當齊全的希臘文手稿文本（而非轉述本著作）可追溯到13世紀。 Two or three others are dated to the 14th century but most are dated to the 15th and 16th centuries. In the 'Introduction' to his 1940's translation, Frank Eggleston Robbins reported the existence of at least 35 manuscripts containing all or a large part of the Tetrabiblos in European libraries.

首部印刷版本的出現是在1535年與一本由德國古典學學者乔基姆·卡梅拉留斯（Joachim Camerarius）所著的拉丁譯本共同出版。 This was reprinted in 1553 and is "notable for offering the first Latin translation based upon a Greek rather than Arabic source". Robbins noted the page numbers of the 1553 edition in the Greek text which faces his English translation, stating "My collations have been made against Camerarius' second edition, because thus far this has been the standard text and it was most convenient".

同樣地在1940年，一本希臘文評論本由托伊布內爾文庫（Teubner，簡稱托氏文庫）所發行，在德國，基於弗朗茨·波爾未發行的作品由他的學生愛蜜麗·布爾（Emilie Boer）所完成。羅賓斯（Robbins）在他英譯的準備中對不能參照到這部作品表示遺憾。

在1994年‘波布’（Boll-Boer）版成為由羅伯特·施密特（Robert Schmidt）所著、「古鏡重光計畫」（Project Hindsight）出版發行的一系列英譯本的基礎。The 'Translator's Preface' was critical of Robbins' understanding of some of the "conceptual issues involved" and argued the need for a new English translation which recognised the "probable superiority of the Teubner text edited by Boll and Boer in 1940".

最新的希臘文評論本出於德國學者沃爾夫岡·休伯納（Wolfgang Hübner）教授所著，以及由托氏文庫於1998年出版發行。休伯納根據33份齊全與14份不完整的手稿，還合併了布爾未發行的原稿再加上在羅賓斯與波布版的論述。這是目前被認為是最具權威性的版本。一位評論者在Classical Review上如此聲稱“Progress over previous editions is evident on virtually every page”。

占星四書的譯者以及相關版本

乔基姆·卡梅拉留斯（1500–1574）。首位翻印《占星四書》希臘文版本Tetrabiblos 譯者。   赫罗尼姆斯·沃尔夫（1516–1580）。首位翻印《占星四書》拉丁文版本Commentary譯者。  利奧·阿拉奇乌斯（1585–1669）。首位翻印《占星四書》希臘文註釋版本Paraphrase譯者。   弗朗茨·波爾（1867–1924）。托氏文庫《占星四書》希臘文版（1940年）譯者（與布爾合著）

相關著作

評論

除了《占星四書》阿拉伯文評論是由阿里·伊本·里德万（Ali ibn Ridwan或是Haly）在11世紀所著之外， 亟需要注意到一本匿名的希臘文評論作品Commentary，它很古老而且來源也晦澀不明。其成書日期並未確定，也許是在近古時代或是拜占廷時代。This is also attributed to Proclus, as the presumed author of the Paraphrase, although Heilen has remarked that such an attribution "looks like guesswork". Houlding has also pointed out that differences in tabulated information presented within the Paraphrase and the Commentary "is a telling argument that both cannot be the work of the same author".

The Greek Commentary was first printed in 1559 with an accompanying Latin translation by 1559年由赫罗尼姆斯·沃尔夫（Hieronymus Wolf）. This claimed to be based on a heavily corrupted manuscript which required numerous conjectures by a scholarly friend of Wolf, who preferred to remain anonymous rather than face reproaches for "dabbling in this sort of literature". Wolf's edition was bound with an Introduction to the Tetrabiblos, attributed (speculatively) to Porphyry, and the scholia of Demophilus.

The purpose of the Commentary was to offer demonstrated illustrations and fuller explanation of the astrological principles described by Ptolemy. Following Wolf's edition, large passages were incorporated into Latin astrological works which featured extensive collections of example horoscopes. Two notable examples are Jerome Cardan's Ptolemaei De Astrorvm Ivdiciis (Basel, 1578) and Francisco Junctinus's Speculum Astrologiae (Lugduni, 1583). Modern translators continue to make reference to the Hieronymous Wolf Commentary in their explanatory annotations.

金言百則

金言百則（Centiloquium，此單字為‘一百則格言’之意思）它是收集100則占星學重要箴言並且常見的拉丁文書名。 拉丁文中它也被稱為Liber Fructus （阿拉伯文：Kitab al-Tamara；希伯來文：Sefer ha-Peri） 英譯為‘Book of the Fruit’（漢譯：應驗書）。 The latter reflected the belief that this offered a summation of Ptolemy's key astrological principles, and therefore presented "The Fruit of his Four Books". It began, as all Ptolemy's works did, with a dedication to "Syrus", which helped support the assumption of the work's Ptolemaic authenticity.

Early manuscripts were commonly accompanied by a commentary on their use authored by Ahmad ibn Yusuf al-Misri (835–912). This became translated into Latin at the same time as translations were being made of the Arabic editions of the Tetrabiblos. The earliest translations were made by Johannes Hispanensis in 1136 and Plato of Tivoli in 1138.

阿里·伊本·里德萬（亦名為哈里），他對托勒密的著作出版過阿拉伯文評論，noticed that the aphorisms highlighted principles of interrogational astrology, and wondered why Ptolemy had not included coverage of these themes in his Tetrabiblos. Jerome Cardan was the first to declare the work a forgery based on such differences, referring in his commentary on the Tetrabiblos to an argument of Galen: "In the old days, kings who were trying to establish great libraries bought the books of famous men at very high prices. By doing so they caused men to ascribe their own works to the ancients".

The authorship of the text is now ascribed to "Pseudo-Ptolemy". Some scholars suggest that Ahmad ibn Yusuf was its true author. Others believe that the Centiloquium, though not Ptolemy's, may preserve some collation of authentic materials from Hellenistic astrology. Ultimately, the historical assumption that the Centiloquium was part of Ptolemy's astrological legacy gave it widespread influence in the medieval period, by which it became established as an important text within the astrological tradition.

參閱

Plate with figures illustrating articles on astronomy, from the 1728 Cyclopaedia

• 譯天文書 - 明代
• 天步真原 - 清代
• Babylonian astronomy - 古老天文學的起源到托勒密時代的天文學。
• Greek astronomy - 托勒密時代的天文學。
• Ptolemy's world map – 托勒密描述的古代世界地圖。

註釋

參考文獻

16世紀想像中的托勒密木刻像，由Theodor de Bry所造。標題讀為:Sustinuit caelos humeros fortisimus Atlas; Incubat ast humeris terra polusque tuis — ‘強大的阿特拉斯用他的肩膀扛起蒼天：然而正是支撐你的地球’。

• Ashmand, J. M., (ed.) 1822. Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos London: Davis and Dickson. Reprinted, Bel Air, MD: Astrology Classics, 2002. ISBN 9781933303123.
• Avelar, Helena and Ribeiro, Luis, 2010. On the Heavenly Spheres: A Treatise on Traditional Astrology. Tempe, AZ: American Federation of Astrologers. ISBN 0866906096.
• Berggren, J. L. and Goldstein, B. R., (eds.) 1987. From Ancient Omens to Statistical Mechanics: Essays on the Exact Sciences presented to Asger Aaboe, vol. 39 . Copenhagen: University Library. ISBN 9788777090028.
• Burnett, Charles and Greenbaum, Dorian Gieseler, (eds.) 2007. Culture and Cosmos: The Winding Courses of the Stars: Essays in Ancient Astrology, vol. 11 no 1 and 2, spring/summer and autumn/winter. Bristol, UK: Culture and Cosmos, ISSN 1368-6534.
• Evans, James, 1998. The History & Practice of Ancient Astronomy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195095395.
• Evans, James, and Berggren, J. Lennart, 2006. Geminos's introduction to the phenomena. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691123394.
• Falconer, William Armistead (ed.) 1923. Cicero: De senectute, De amicitia, De divinatione (Latin text with English translation). Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; London: W. Heinemann. ISBN 9780674991705.
• Grafton, Amthony, 1999. Cardano's Cosmos. Cambridge, Mass; London: Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780674095557.
• Grasshoff, Gerd, 1990. The History of Ptolemy's Star Catalogue. New York: Springer-Verlag. ISBN 9780387971810.
• Houlding, Deborah, 1993. 'The Life and Work of Ptolemy', Traditional Astrologer; Issue 1, pp.3–6. Nottingham: Ascella. Reproduced on Skyscript (retrieved 16 November 2011).
• Houlding, Deborah, 2006. 'Ptolemy's Centiloquium transcribed and annotated' (based on Henry Coley's English translation, published as chapter 20 of his Clavis Astrologiae Elimata; London, B. Tooke and T. Sawbridge, 1676. OCLC 4731519). Reproduced on Skyscript (retrieved 16 November 2011).
• Hübner, Wolfgang, 1998. Claudii Ptolemaei opera quae exstant omnia 1, Apotelesmatika (Most recent critical edition of the Greek text). Stuttgart: Teubner. ISBN 9783519017462.
• Jensen, Derek, 2006. The science of the stars in Danzig from Rheticus to Hevelius. San Diego: University of California. ISBN 9780542906244.
• Jones, Alexander (ed.), 2010. Ptolemy in Perspective: Use and Criticism of his Work from Antiquity to the Nineteenth Century. Dordrecht; New York: Springer. ISBN 9789048127870.
• Kieckhefer, Richard, 2000. Magic in the Middle Ages. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521785761.
• Lehoux, Daryn, 2006. 'Tomorrow's news today: astrology, fate and the way out', Representations; 95.1: 105-122. California: University of California Press. ISSN 0734-6018.
• Lilly, William, 1647. Christian Astrology. London: John Partridge and Humphrey Partridge. Republished in facsimilie, London: Regulus, 1985. ISBN 0948472006.
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• Riley, Mark, 1974. 'Theoretical and Practical Astrology: Ptolemy and His Colleagues', Transactions of the American Philological Association ; vol. 117, pp.235–236. Baltimore; London: John Hopkins University Press. ISSN 0360-5949.
• Riley, Mark, 1988. 'Science and Tradition in the Tetrabiblos', Proceedings of the American Philolosophical Society; vol. 132, no. 1, pp.67–84. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. ISSN 0003-049X.
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• Thomas, Keith, 1971. Religion and the decline of magic: studies in popular beliefs in sixteenth and seventeenth century England. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. ISBN 9780297002208.
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• Webster, Charles, 1979. Health, medicine, and mortality in the sixteenth century. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521226431.
• Westman, Robert S., 2011. The Copernican Question: Prognostication, Scepticism, and Celestial Order. California: University of California Press. ISBN 9780520254817.

延伸閱讀

• Theoretical and Practical Astrology: Ptolemy and his Colleagues by Mark Riley, 1974; Transactions of the American Philological Association, 117, (Baltimore; London: John Hopkins University Press). Explores the difference of approach taken by Ptolemy to that of other contemporary astrologers.
• Science and Tradition in the Tetrabiblos by Mark Riley, 1988; Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 132.1, (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society). Considers the question of what Ptolemy contributed to astrology and why his work was so significant.

外部連結

《占星四書》的英文副本及其相關版本

• Henry Coley, Centiloquium from Clavis Eliminata (1676); London: Josuah Coniers. Skyscript; retrieved 26 November 2011.
• J. M. Ashmand's translation of Paraphrase (1822); London: Davis and Dickson. Sacred Texts Archive; retrieved 16 November 2011.
• James Wilson's translation Paraphrase (1828); London: William Hughes. Google Books; retrieved 16 November 2011.
• Frank E. Robbins' translation of Tetrabiblos (1940); Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; London: W. Heinemann. LacusCurtius; retrieved 16 November 2011.
• Frank E. Robbins' translation of Tetrabiblos bound with W. G. Waddell's translation of Manetho's History of Egypt (1940). Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; London: W. Heinemann. Internet Archive, retrieved 16 November 2011.

《占星四書》的希臘文與拉丁文副本及其相關版本

• Erhard Ratdolt, Venice, 1484. First printed Latin edition of Tetrabiblos based on Egidio Tebaldi's 13th century Latin translation out of Arabic. Also includes the Centiloquium and Commentary by Haly Abenragel (Albohazen). Biblioteca Virtual del Patrimonio Bibliografico; retrieved 10 November 2011.
• Bonetum Locatellum, Venice, 1493. Compemdium of Latin texts including the Tetrabiblos, Centiloquium, and Ali ibn Ridwan's Commentary. Gallica Biblioteque nationale de France; retrieved 20 November 2011.
• Heirs of Octavius Scoti, Venice, 1519. Compendium of Latin texts including the Tetrabiblos and Centiloquium. Universidad de Sevilla; retrieved 20 November 2011.
• Johannes Hervagius, Basel, 1533. Latin edition based on Plato de Tivoli's translation. Warburg Institute; retrieved 19 November 2011.
• Heinrich Petri, Basel, 1541. Latin edition containing Ptolemy's Almagest, Tetrabiblos, and the Centiloquium. Biblioteca Virtual del Patrimonio Bibliografico; retrieved 19 November 2011.
• Heinrich Petri, Basel, 1591. Latin reproduction of Hieronymous Wolf's translation the 'anonymous' Commentary attributed to Proclus. Biblioteca Virtual del Patrimonio Bibliografico; retrieved 19 November 2011.
• Leo Allatius, Lugd. Batavorum, 1635. Greek and Latin translation of the 'anonymous' Proclus Paraphrase (Procli Diadochi Paraphrasis) based on manuscripts housed in the Vatican Library (oldest dates to 10th century: Codex Vaticanus Graecus 1453). Warburg Institute; retrieved 19 November 2011.
• Emily Boer, Leipzig, 1961. Greek language edition of the Centiloquium published by Teubner. Open Library; retrieved 26 November 2011.

大量引用、參考《占星四書》以及其Commentary的希臘文及拉丁之占星學文獻

• Jerome Cardan, Lyon, 1578. Cl. Ptolemæi, de Astrorum Iudiciis (Latin). Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbuttel; retrieved 19 November 2011.
• Francisco Junctinus, Basel, 1583. Speculum astrologiae (Latin). Universad de Sevilla; retrieved 19 November 2011.