# 優選理論

## 理論

1. GEN 選擇一個輸入(input)，並產生一系列可能的輸出(output)，或稱為候選項目，
2. CON 提供準則，此準則以數個嚴密有序的可"違反約制"(violable constraint)之形式表示，用以決定候選項目，然後
3. EVAL 根據這些限制選出的最佳候選項目，此項目即為輸出(output)。

## 馬秋武(2008)的整理

### 音韻學理論發展囘眸

#### 後SPE論

1. 非線遞音韻學
2. 音韻音段的內部結構(PSIS)與音韻特徵理論(PFT)
3. 音節(syllable)地位的確立
4. 韻律音韻(PrsP)和語調音韻(IntP)
5. 音韻表層制約(SC)

### 基本原則與操作方法

#### 理論

• 生成器
• 評估器
• 制約條件的等級排列
• 制約條件
##### 忠實性制約

McCarthy & Prince (1995) propose three basic families of faithfulness constraints:

• Max-IO/BR(反刪-輸入輸出/基數重複數) prohibits deletion (from "maximal").
• Dep-IO(反插-輸入輸出/基數重複數)prohibits epenthesis (from "dependent").
• Ident(F) (特徵忠實性)prohibits alteration to the value of feature F (from "identical").

McCarthy & Prince (1995) also propose:

• I-Contig(輸入-連續性), violated when a word- or morpheme-internal segment is deleted (from "input-contiguity");
• O-Contig(輸出-連續性), violated when a segment is inserted word- or morpheme-internally (from "output-contiguity");
• Linearity(線性/反分解), violated when the order of some segments is changed (i.e. prohibits metathesis);
• Uniformity(均勻性/反融合), violated when two or more segments are realized as one (i.e. prohibits fusion); and
• Integrity(完整性/反隔離), violated when a segment is realized as multiple segments (i.e. prohibits unpacking or vowel breaking—opposite of Uniformity).
##### 標記性制約

Markedness constraints introduced by Prince & Smolensky (1993) include:

Name Statement Other names
Nuc Syllables must have nuclei(有韻核).
−Coda Syllables must have no codas(無韻尾). NoCoda(無韻尾)
Ons Syllables must have onsets(音節有首音). Onset(有首音)
HarNuc A nuclear segment must be more sonorous(響度高)than another (from "harmonic nucleus"響韻核). HarmonicNucleus(響韻核)
*Comp A syllable must be V, CV or VC.(單純) NotComplex(不複雜)
CodaCond Coda consonants cannot have place features that are not shared by an onset consonant.(韻尾輔音部位同於起始輔音final/codaC=initial/onsC) CodaCondition(韻尾條件)
NonFin A word-final syllable (or foot) must not bear stress(末音節無重音*StressFinS). NonFinality(末音節無重音)
FtBin A foot(音步) must be two syllables (or moras).(音步雙莫拉F2M) FootBinarity(音步雙莫拉)
Pk-Prom Light syllables(輕音節) must not be stressed.(輕音節無重音*StressLitS) PeakProminence(輕音節無重音)
WSP Heavy syllables must be stressed (from "weight-to-stress principle"重音節有重音StressHavS). Weight-to-Stress(重音節有重音)

## 優選論的發展和修正

### 重複和共謀問題(repulication & conspiracy)

OT的並行處理(parallelism)模式通過制約條件(如格雷斯曼定律、顎化音叢減少)交互作用(alternation)能較SPE更好的解決重複問題(包括構詞重複、超音段重複等)。

## 註釋

1. ^ "Optimality". Proceedings of the talk given at Arizona Phonology Conference, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ.
2. ^ Prince, Alan, and Smolensky, Paul (1993) "Optimality Theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar." Technical Report CU-CS-696-93, Department of Computer Science, University of Colorado at Boulder.
3. ^ Paul Smolensky; Geraldine Legendre,"The Harmonic Mind: From Neural Computation to Optimality-theoretic Grammar Cognitive Architecture"[1],A Bradford Book; Reprint edition (January 21, 2011). ISBN 978-0262516198

## 參考文獻

• Brasoveanu, Adrian, and Alan Prince (2005). Ranking & Necessity. ROA-794.
• Chomsky (1995). The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
• Dresher, Bezalel Elan (1996): The Rise of Optimality Theory in First Century Palestine. GLOT International 2, 1/2, January/February 1996, page 8 (a humorous introduction for novices)
• Hale, Mark, and Charles Reiss (2008). The Phonological Enterprise. Oxford University Press.
• Halle, Morris (1995). Feature Geometry and Feature Spreading. Linguistic Inquiry 26, 1-46.
• Heinz, Jeffrey, Greg Kobele, and Jason Riggle (2009). Evaluating the Complexity of Optimality Theory. Linguistic Inquiry 40, 277-288.
• Idsardi, William J. (2006). A Simple Proof that Optimality Theory is Computationally Intractable. Linguistic Inquiry 37:271-275.
• Idsardi, William J. (2000). Clarifying opacity. The Linguistic Review 17:377-50.
• Kager, René (1999). Optimality Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Kornai, Andras (2006). Is OT NP-hard?. ROA-838.
• Legendre, Géraldine, Jane Grimshaw and Sten Vikner. (2001). Optimality-theoretic syntax. MIT Press.
• McCarthy, John (2007). Hidden Generalizations: Phonological Opacity in Optimality Theory. London: Equinox.
• McCarthy, John (2001). A Thematic Guide to Optimality Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• McCarthy, John and Alan Prince (1993): Prosodic Morphology: Constraint Interaction and Satisfaction. Rutgers University Center for Cognitive Science Technical Report 3.
• McCarthy, John and Alan Prince (1994): The Emergence of the Unmarked: Optimality in Prosodic Morphology. Proceedings of NELS.
• McCarthy, John J. & Alan Prince. (1995). Faithfulness and reduplicative identity. In J. Beckman, L. W. Dickey, & S. Urbanczyk (Eds.), University of Massachusetts occasional papers in linguistics (Vol. 18, pp. 249–384). Amherst, MA: GLSA Publications.
• Moreton, Elliott (2004): Non-computable Functions in Optimality Theory. Ms. from 1999, published 2004 in John J. McCarthy (ed.), Optimality Theory in Phonology.
• Prince, Alan (2007). The Pursuit of Theory. In Paul de Lacy, ed., Cambridge Handbook of Phonology.
• Prince, Alan (2002). Entailed Ranking Arguments. ROA-500.
• Prince, Alan (2002). Arguing Optimality. In Coetzee, Andries, Angela Carpenter and Paul de Lacy (eds). Papers in Optimality Theory II. GLSA, UMass. Amherst. ROA-536.
• Prince, Alan and Paul Smolensky. (1993/2002/2004): Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Blackwell Publishers (2004) [2](2002). Technical Report, Rutgers University Center for Cognitive Science and Computer Science Department, University of Colorado at Boulder (1993).
• Trommer, Jochen. (2001). Distributed Optimality. PhD dissertation, Universität Potsdam.
• Wolf, Matthew. (2008). Optimal Interleaving: Serial Phonology-Morphology Interaction in a Constraint-Based Model. PhD dissertation, University of Massachusetts. ROA-996.