占星四書

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《占星四書》(Quadripartitum
Quadritpartitum.jpg
《占星四書》首頁:十五世紀再次發行十二世紀蒂沃利的柏拉圖英语Plato of Tivoli(Plato of Tivoli)所翻譯的拉丁文本;由艾哈德·羅道特英语Erhard Ratdolt(Erhard Ratdolt)於1484年在威尼斯出版。
作者 克勞狄烏斯·托勒密
原名 Apotelesmatika
語言 希臘文
題材 占星學
出版日期 二世紀
《占星四書》(Quadripartitum),1622年。

占星四書》(英文:Tetrabiblos;希臘文Τετράβιβλος,原文意義就是「四書」,然而中華文化的因儒家經典早已有「四書五經」的專有名稱,,為防止在意義上的混淆,因而此處將Tetrabiblos意譯為「占星四書」以示區別),在古希臘文中又名為ApotelesmatikáΑποτελεσματικά,英文字型寫作Apotelesmatic),原文的意義為“影響”,但是在中文語境裡也可以翻譯成“星辰對人類命運的影響力”;[a]除此之外拉丁文另稱之為Quadripartitum,原文的意義為“四卷”,《占星四書》內容主要是講述關於自然哲學以及占星術的學問,是一部有關占星學哲理與應用的極重要典籍,乃是亞歷山卓學者托勒密(西元90年~西元168年)在二世紀所成書,是托勒密四本重要著作之一[b],由于该书与占星术颇有渊源,许多占星术上的概念来自于该书,使得《占星四書》直到今日仍被人们广泛地傳誦阅读。

托勒密的著作中與《占星四書》同為姊妹篇的《至大論》(Almagest)──此書曾經對天文學的影響超過一千四百多年,是一部權威性著作;同樣地,《占星四書》則這部作品在占星學的影響層面與《至大論》在天文學情況一樣也是相當廣大,它是研究天體運行對世俗事件造成的作用。然而《至大論》今日被哥白尼提出的太陽中心模型日心說所取代,而《占星四書》則不同,仍然在占星學界裡是一個重要的理論與運用典籍,它今日依然對占星學留下重要的論據,托勒密此著作可說是對一位嚴謹治學且致力於占星學研究的專家學者而言是「必修」的教材,它可是被喻為不可或缺的重要著作。

除了提綱挈領地概述占星實踐技巧之外,托勒密是以自然為主題作哲學性的答辯,這在西歐中世紀期間有利於穩固地幫助占星學可以被神學接納。[c]這使得托勒密所傳授的占星學在文藝復興時期被列入大學博雅教育三文四藝之中,這帶來了對醫學研究和文學作品相關的影響。十七世纪初,托勒密的占星學仍然在欧洲大学的课堂上被讲授著;而在十七世紀末《占星四書》這部著作在知識份子心中的地位則是即告崩潰了,當托勒密的著作與其占星原則呈現出一個被人以存在著陳舊過時的觀點以及基於迷信而遭識見不明的人士駁議。[c]但是客觀而言,托勒密總結古人占星智慧之大成,若非學養豐富之士實難以做評議。

《占星四書》的歷史價值在於它是相當古老且為人所知的文獻,中世紀與文藝復興時代皆有相關評論發行。此書已被多位人士給抄錄、評論、轉述、節錄,以及翻譯成不同的語言。最新的希臘文版是德國學者沃爾夫岡·休伯納德语Wolfgang Hübner (Altphilologe)(Wolfgang Hübner)所著,在1998年由托伊布內爾文庫英语Teubner(The Bibliotheca Teubneriana or Teubner,以下直接簡稱托氏文庫)出版;不過現代首部漢譯本的《占星四書》是由台灣地區中華民國占星協會的創始會長林樂卿先生(筆名:星宿老師)所翻譯的;這部古典鉅著被中國學者江曉原教授讚譽是「星占之王」。

占星术
星盤
背景
占星术史
天文学史
占星术和天文学
传统
巴比伦占星术
也门占星术
希腊占星术
埃及占星术
印度占星术
西洋占星术
穆斯林占星术
中国占星术
恒星回归带占星术
黄道回归带占星术
传统占星術列表
种类
占星術
本命占星術
擇日占星術
醫療占星術
卜卦占星術
密宗占星術
世俗占星術
占星种类列表
占星职业目录
天文学家
占星师
占星作家
占星术专题页

概述與影響力[编辑]

《占星四書》為知名的學者托勒密(具有地理學家、數學家、天文學家、占星學家身份)在埃及所編輯的四本書目,其書名Tetrabiblos在原稿的意義是稱作「於四書中的數學運算論述(Mathematical treatise in four books)」,另外亦被名為「向賽芮斯英语Syrus(Syrus)[d]言說的預兆/預測(The prognostics addressed to Syrus)」。托勒密在書中論及天體運行冥冥之中對俗世的生命以及物理現象具有一定的影響力。

《占星四書》許多內容是總集托勒密之前的占星資料,並且這本著作直到今日也仍是占星學界的經典教材,托勒密在書中所述的諸多原則依然被奉為圭臬,其占星研究一直是西洋占星學的基礎。蒲洛克勒斯(Proclus)也註釋過這本著作。

原文:
"I know that I am mortal, the creature of one day; but when I explore the winding courses of the stars I no longer touch with my feet the Earth: I am standing near Zeus himself, drinking my fill of Ambrosia, the food of the gods."
譯文:
“平凡若我者,本應如蜉蝣一般朝生暮死。但是,每當我看到滿天的繁星,在不朽的天空,按照自己的軌道井然有序地運行時,我就情不自禁地有身在天上人間的感動,好像是天帝宙斯親自饗我以神饌。”
中文譯者:臺灣大學數學系蔡聰明教授。

——托勒密,《宫廷诗集》(Anthologia Palatina),9.577.[1]

托勒密被人稱之為“最有名的希臘占星學家”[2]以及“最高等級的一位專業占星權威”。[3]他的《占星四書》作為一個參考來源/依據被描述為具有“於占星作家之間享有几乎如同一部《聖經》般的權威達一千年以上之久”。[4][c]於西元二世紀在亞歷山卓所編纂,這部著作從首次出版的時候已經收集有關它的評注/評論了。[2]它在西元九世紀被翻譯成阿拉伯文,並且被描述為“迄今為止中世紀伊斯蘭占星學最有影響力的來源/依據”。[5]

隨著《占星四書》在十二世紀中被翻譯成拉丁文,“托勒密占星學”成為了由艾爾伯圖斯·麥格努斯(Albertus Magnus)與托馬斯·阿奎那(Thomas Aquinas)整合到中世紀的基督教教義之中。[6]由這神學上的接受贊同、承認而促進了托勒密占星學在大學之中的教授,通常是與醫學研究結合有關。就是这样的情勢發展之下,依次地,在文學作品中所帶來的關注,像是但丁的作品,這有助於西歐中世紀期間的道德、宗教以及宇宙论的模範之塑造。[6]《占星四書》也是為文藝復興時代占星學奠定了基本的准则规范,[7]並且在文藝復興時代與近代歐洲早期英语early modern Europe中的一些優秀大學裡是一本必要教材/教科書。[3]

托勒密占星學在歐洲大學裡持續的被教授到十七世紀,[3]但是從十七世紀中葉起當時的人卻是考慮且费心思地維持著它被推崇為博雅教育之一的地位。[8]因為关于是否把占星学仍然作为博雅教育的一項學科的争论开始兴起了,在這個時期,《占星四書》的內容開始招致污衊為“一項邪惡的占卜術數”。一則由十七世紀的評論家撰寫著關於它的標題:“反对迷信的術數與其合适的說是朝向惡魔的目標毋寧說是托勒密的占星學(no superstitious art is more fitted to forward the aims of the devil than the astrology of Ptolemy)”。[e]客觀來看待,對於占星術的博大精深從美索不達米亞文明開始發展以來,其智慧深奧可是後輩學子所難以望其項背;而《占星四書》更是總集古人占星結晶之大成,且托勒密是古代學識淵博的通儒,因而隨意汙衊實屬非明智之舉,唯有真正實地深入研究方能一窺堂奧進而尊重古人的成就及貢獻。

十七世紀末占星學的知識地位迅速崩潰也連帶的從事占星術的知識分子/學者皆受到影響,然而《占星四書》在世界文化上對於歷史性的影響則繼續的受到了從事於古典哲學以及古典时期的科學史英语history of sciences in antiquity之學者們的關注。[9]它也維持著其作為現代西方占星術從業者一部有影響力的教科書之地位,並且這部教材的英譯本是由十八、十九以及二十世紀的占星學家所出版得。[10]據二十世紀早期人文主義者的占星學家丹·鲁德海尔英语Dane Rudhyar(Dane Rudhyar)的報導聲稱他的時代之占星學“來源幾乎完全是在亞歷山卓的占星學家的著作之中,此即克勞狄烏斯·托勒密(originated almost entirely in the work of the Alexandrian astrologer, Claudius Ptolemy)”。[11]即使是二十一世紀的占星學教材/教科書[來源請求]所描述的《占星四書》乃為“毫無疑問地,對於任何一位認真的占星學學生是不可或缺的(without a doubt, indispensable for any serious student of astrology)”。[12]

這部鉅著能夠保持長久的重要性可以歸結為以下幾個因素:托勒密同时有古代世界最偉大的哲學家與科學家之一的聲譽,[13]這份文獻的重要性於占星學的學科主題上是最古老且完整的手稿之一,[14]並且托勒密的占星詮釋、說明的次第與特質是前所未有的。[15]

十六世紀托勒密木刻版畫,出自“Les vrais portraits et vies des hommes illustres(漢譯:歷史上傑出男子肖像)”,巴黎,1584年,f°87。

“托勒密的占星學之傑出印記/標識”被描述為“能夠獲知他的時代之哲學與科學精神”。[16]托勒密同時寫道當“物理學”被定義為哲學,並且他的恆星影響的敘述及說明是依據亞里士多德提出的四種性質(熱、冷、濕,以及乾)觀點同普遍統一性英语Macrocosm and microcosm(或曰宇宙統一性)以及宇宙和諧的哲學概念做比較而表達出來的。[17]他的要旨是在這樣的條件下闡釋占星學的基本原理,所以這樣的工作也是受人瞩目到的是對於其缺乏了直接的天文基礎在占星實證上而言它是不予考慮得[18][c]

原文:

As for the nonsense on which many waste their labour and of which not even a plausible account can be given, this we shall dismiss in favour of the primary natural causes; we shall investigate, not by means of lots and numbers of which no reasonable explanation can be given, but merely through the science of the aspects of the stars to the places with which they have familiarity.[19]

譯文:

至于在許多浪費他們的功夫上於此胡言亂語以及其中甚至沒有給予一個似合理的解释,這一點我們應該不考慮贊同最初自然的起因;我們應該探討,沒有通過大量與數字計算的方式其中無法給出合理的解釋,然而僅僅通過星辰至每個宮位的相位之科學並連同其他們所帶有放肆的言行。[f]

這本書的開篇伴隨著一項占星學的哲學框架/架構之說明其宗旨是回答批評家其對於這項主題學科的有效性或正確性的議論。[14][c]關於這點,林恩·桑代克英语Lynn Thorndike(Lynn Thorndike),在他的《巫術和實驗科學史》(History of Magic and Experimental Science)一書中,如此寫道:“占星學的唯一對手似乎仍然是《占星四書》含有的蒙昧,繼續地對這項術數製造批評對於托勒密的它之陳述或者其已經藉由他專門的回答而言是自不量力的。(Only the opponents of astrology appear to have remained ignorant of the Tetrabiblos, continuing to make criticisms of the art which do not apply to Ptolemy's presentation of it or which had been specifically answered by him)”。[20][e]

托勒密在他的《占星四書》中有提出他是不负责創立占星技巧的。[16][c]他的貢獻是資料系統性的整理,為了論證占星學是基於邏輯、分層原則得。[14]星象的影響是時常對照著體液變化的氣象影響,這是假設著從天體週期於氣候之中所帶來的的发热、冷卻、濕潤,以及乾燥作用的相关變化之效果。[21]

《占星四書》的歷史重要性和影響是被許多古代、中世紀以及文藝復興時代出版了關於它的評論所證實,還有許多翻譯和轉述的版本旨在以通俗易懂的方式重現其內容。[22]這希臘文本業已轉譯成阿拉伯文、拉丁文與許多現代語文。一直到十八世紀的時候第一份英譯本還尚未問世,然而到了十九世紀末一位美國占星學家盧克·布勞頓(Luke Broughton)聲稱在他身邊至少擁有六本不同的英譯本。[23]在中華文化圈中,很值得慶幸的是由台灣地區的中華民國占星學會創始會長林樂卿先生(筆名:星宿老師)首度翻譯現代中文版《占星四書》。

托勒密占星學說[编辑]

古典占星學[编辑]

體液學說[编辑]

十三世紀插圖顯示出人體的靜脈

中世紀醫學的基本原則是體液的理論。這是派生自古代的醫學著作,以及主導整個西方醫學一直到十九世紀,才由近代的醫學理論接手。該理論指出在每一個人身上有四個體液 (humours),或者名為主要液體-黑膽汁、黃膽汁、黏液,以及血液,這些都是由身體各個器官所產生的,而且他們為了維持一個人的健康而不得不讓彼此間平衡著。過多的痰(黏液)在體內,例如,會引起肺部的問題;並且身體會試圖咳出痰來恢復平衡。體液在人體內的平衡可以通過飲食、醫藥,以及通過放血療法[g]、使用水蛭來達到。四體液也與四季有關,黑膽汁-秋季,黃膽汁-夏季,黏液-冬季以及血液-春季。

煉金術符號 元素 體液    性情 器官 掌管行星 性質 季節 年齡層
Alchemy earth symbol.svg
土元素 黑膽汁 憂鬱 脾臟 土星土星 寒冷乾燥 秋季 成年
Alchemy water symbol.svg
水元素 黏液 冷靜 肺臟 月亮上弦月/金星金星 寒冷潮濕 冬季 老年
以太(乙太) 生命力 心臟 水星Mercury水星
Alchemy fire symbol.svg
火元素 黃膽汁 易怒 膽囊 太陽太陽/火星火星 溫暖乾燥 夏季 青年
Alchemy air symbol.svg
風元素 血液 樂觀 頭部英语human head肝臟 木星木星 溫暖潮濕 春季 童年

體液學說擁有諸多特性,祂們成為有益於解釋日常生活中許多方面的重要依據,並且可以與占星術面相學甚至音樂做連結。因而占星術黃道帶的十二星座也被認為是與某些體液有關。即使是現在,有些人仍然使用“易怒”、“樂觀”、“冷靜(漠)”和“憂鬱”這些文字來形容個性。

托勒密相位[编辑]

占星學上傳統的主要相位有時稱之為托勒密相位(Ptolemaic aspects)因為祂們是源自西元一世紀由托勒密所定義與使用的。這些主要相位分別是合相(conjunction,約為0-10°,☌)、六分相六合(sextile,60°,⚹)、四分相(square,90°,□)、三分相三合(trine,120°,△),以及對分相(opposition,180°,☍)。雖然與其他相位相比合相幾乎都是採用較大的容許度,但是需要注意的是當計算及使用占星相位的時候,不同的占星師與獨立的占星體系/傳承是採用不同的容許度(在正確值之間的偏移度),關於這一點是非常重要得。主要相位是那些可以用來分割為均勻的360數值以及是可以被10的數值整除(唯一的例外是十二分相半六合,英文為semi-sextile)的相位。

著作的書名與年代追溯[编辑]

托勒密《占星四書》序章首版印刷,喬基姆·卡梅拉留斯英语Joachim Camerarius(Joachim Camerarius)1535年在紐倫堡發行希臘文與拉丁文版本。

這通稱的希臘文與拉丁文書名(分別為:Tetrabiblos以及Quadripartitum),意思是‘四書’,是傳統的暱稱[24]因為這在一些希臘手稿中是題為Μαθηματικὴ τετράβιβλος σύνταξις的書名,英譯為‘Mathematical treatise in four books’;漢譯為‘於四書中的數學運算論述’之一部著作。[25] 法蘭克·埃格爾斯頓·羅賓斯(Frank Eggleston Robbins),出版於1940年洛布古典叢書(Loeb Classical Library,簡稱洛氏叢書)英譯本的總編輯/主編,認為這或許/可能是由托勒密本人所採用了這書名,儘管他確認許多其他希臘手稿是採用著Τὰ πρὸς Σύρον ἀποτελεσματικά,英譯為‘The prognostics addressed to Syrus’;漢譯為‘向賽芮斯言說的預兆/預測’這個書名。[25]一份古代的暱名評論在其文中陳述有些人認為Tetrabiblos這個詞是一個虛構的名字。[25][c]

休伯納,1998年托氏文庫希臘文版本的總編輯/主編,採用了Apotelesmatiká (biblía),英譯為‘(books on) effects’;漢譯為‘星辰對人類命運的影響力(之書)’這個書名,這已然成為由最近的學者所沿用遵循的。[26]亞歷山大·瓊斯(Alexander Jones),施普林格(Springer)發行出版《透視托勒密》(Ptolemy in Perspective,2010年)的總編輯/主編認為托勒密自認的書名仍然是不得而知的,但是同意Apotelesmatika這詞彙是“一項可信的揣測(a credible guess)”。[24]這個詞可翻譯成各種的意思如英譯的‘influences’、[24]漢譯的‘影响力/作用’,英譯的‘effects’、[26]漢譯的‘效应/结果/后果’或者是英譯的‘prognostics’、[25]漢譯的‘預兆/預測’;反映了這部作品的主題,這是涉及著關於天體循環規律其影響效用的預知之取得(即星宿占卜的意思)。

在漢語範疇裡,目前關於Tetrabiblos其他漢譯名稱還有:「四門經」、「四經」、「托勒密四書」、「天文集」、「四部書」、「星象四書」、「箴言四書」等等不同的漢譯名稱,但其中以「托勒密四書」的稱呼所佔的比例較多。另一方面,華人占星師丹尼爾與魯道夫二位先生在其占星學著作中則直接稱為“四書”。由日本人羽仁礼著,陳惠莉譯的《圖解西洋占星術》中對於Tetrabiblos書名是直接音譯為“迪特拉比勃洛斯”,並且後面加上括號註明“四書”。[27]這裡一律將Tetrabiblos書名的中文翻譯為“占星四書”。

對於《占星四書》的彙編並沒有斷然公認的年代日期然而托勒密在他的‘引言致詞(Introductory Address)’中透露出他撰寫/編寫他的占星論述專著是在完成了他的天文鉅著之後:此即《至大論》。[28]在《至大論》中的佐证透露出這天文著作不可能在約西元145年以前即已成書,[29]這顯示出托勒密撰寫/編寫《占星四書》是面對著他行將到來的人生盡頭,在完成《至大論》和他的逝世之間的某一段歲月,通常根據傳聞是在西元168左右。[30]

卷壹:原理與技巧[编辑]

原文:
"Most events of a general nature draw their causes from the enveloping heavens."
譯文:
“大多數一般性質的事件是從這籠罩之蒼穹下導出他們的原因來。”

——托勒密,《占星四書》卷壹·第一章

托勒密在卷壹開宗明義地在論證占星預測的效驗,在他的文章脈絡中還闡述行星所引起的特殊自然現象、恆星、十二星座與自然哲學等相關課題;托勒密還對於回歸黃道的使用做出詳細講解;他同時也為入廟、躍升、三分之一對座、界這四個占星學概念進行科學性的闡釋,卷壹部分托勒密還對各個行星屬性及其作用力做出說明併總結其綱要。

第一章[编辑]

本篇文章的一開始就附帶著托勒密致予“賽芮斯”的獻辭,這是一位身份不明的人物托勒密所有著作都是奉獻於祂的。[31][c]在這邊托勒密於天文研究兩種類型之間便做出了劃分/區分:第一項研究(天文學,正式/本來的研究方向)這是在发觉、了解天體循環與運動;第二項研究(占星術)這是負責調查/探討這些運動所帶來的相關變化。他表示每一項都擁有它自己的科學並且前者(天文學)是凭自身權限功能获得令人想要/滿意的(研究結果)“即使它沒有達到了由它与第二項(占星術)结合所給出的結果(even though it does not attain the result given by its combination with the second)”。[28][c]這乃是採取表明出托勒密的天文學與占星術是互補的研究之觀點,如此看來虽然占星術是同時尟少有獨立性和基於事實的根據,[2][c]它的採用導致了天文學的實踐作法更為有用/有利。[32]雖說在英文中astronomia(天文)以及astrologia(占星)這兩個術語是在古代典籍中互相替換著使用,[33]此處也證明了這乃是由托勒密在兩部個別作品之中的篇幅讨论著兩項不同學科之早期定義。[32]

托勒密在其自己的專著中表述已處理好(兩個科目上)前者之學科(天文學),他說“現在應在一個適當的哲學方向/途徑中對第二項(占星學科)以及尟少獨立性的方法做個交待/說明,因此這項交待/說明其宗旨/目的是實話/真相絕不可能與第一項(天文學科)的确切性一起比較其觀念(shall now give an account of the second and less self-sufficient method in a properly philosophical way, so that one whose aim is the truth might never compare its perceptions with the sureness of the first)”。[28]於此,並進一步做個開場白,他透露出他認為占星術的預測是非常困難的而且容易造成誤差,然而要達到令人滿意的預測這目的則須擁有必要的熟練技巧和經驗,並且太多效益可以不予理睬因為它可能有時候是被誤解的。[34][c]

托勒密的哲學論據[编辑]

Σαυτον ισθι
Be Yourself or Know Yourself
認識你自己

——德爾斐箴言(Delphic Maxims)008.

第二章與第三章的重點是给予出對於托勒密他學科的哲學性之答辯。法蘭茨·波爾英语Franz Boll (philologist)(Franz Boll)注意到了其論證是在古老(哲學)來源之中與之相似,尤其是斯多葛學派的哲人/哲學家波希多尼(Posidonius,西元前135年~西元前51年)的那些學說。[35]同樣地,托勒密的敘述被後來的哲學家還有天文學家所借鉴著,像是約翰尼斯·克卜勒(Johannes Kepler)它使用了類似的例證與相同種類的論據去解釋一些占星術主張的物理學依據。[36]此由一個現代評論家[谁?]如此地形容“科學上地說,完全值得稱道(scientifically speaking, perfectly laudable)”,[37]另一個[谁?]聲討這些章節的地方為托勒密之“知識、智力/理解力以及修辭技巧(knowledge, intelligence and rhetorical skill)”是最為“濫用(misused)”的。[38][c]然而平心而論托勒密對於占星術的客觀與科學性的評述,依此足以看出他的治學嚴謹之處,《占星四書》學術價值是依然如故的。

在第一章之中托勒密主张/斷言研究的合理性以及確認/辨認兩個主要的論據把它們一同做個比较:

  1. 該學科(占星術)的複雜性使得其提供可靠的預知/預卜是难以到达的主張;
  2. 可靠的預知/預卜——如果它能夠達的到——意味著這樣的宿命論如同是致使得這項學科的宗旨/目的是无用/無效/無益的(因為如果未來是可以預見的,任何事情是注定要發生的就將會發生,而且不論是否是預測與否)。

托勒密接著在以下兩個章節回答了各個批評/非難。

對於占星術的可靠性程度之論據[c][编辑]
一幅正由天文繆斯指導下頭頂上戴有王冠的托勒密版畫,出自由格列高尔·赖什英语Gregor Reisch(Gregor Reisch)所著的《哲学珍宝》(Margarita Philosophica)一书,年代是1508年。儘管艾布·麦尔舍尔英语Abu Ma'shar al-Balkhi(Abu Ma'shar)相信托勒密是在亞歷山大的東征之後其所統治埃及的托勒密王室成員之一,然而這個‘托勒密君王(King Ptolemy)’的頭銜通常被視為對托勒密在科學上的崇高地位所給予敬意之標識。請注意西元二世紀那時代天文學與占星術兩者是沒有完全地分家,而且還是相互輔助發展的。

在第二張之中托勒密堅持/主張藉由天文學的方法可以實現知識的獲得並且他根據著“亞里士多德-斯多葛(Aristotelian-Stoic)”的邏輯試圖來定义它的範圍。[39]他指出太陽是如何在地球的季節和每日的循環週期上具有極大的影響力,而且自然界中大多數事情/事物都是經由月亮而同時一致發生的:

原文:

... as the heavenly body nearest the Earth, the Moon bestows her effluence most abundantly upon mundane things, for most of them, animate or inanimate, are sympathetic to her and change in company with her; the rivers increase and diminish their streams with her light, the seas turn their own tides with her rising and setting, and plants and animals in whole or in some part wax and wane with her.[40]

譯文:

…作為最接近地球的天體,月亮在世俗的事物/事情上賜予她的流溢之物最為豐富,對於他們大多數,有生命的或無生命的,是對她有所共鳴的並且協同她一起改變;河川是伴隨著她的光芒增強或削弱他們的水流,海洋伴隨著她的上升與降落而變他們自己的潮汐,還有在全部或某些部分的植物和動物之中伴隨著她的盈滿與虧缺。

他將恆星英语stars in astrology行星擴張了對於搅动氣候以及引導地上动物的生物模式這樣的能力,因为如此以至于一切的事物其經歷了生長/演化週期/循環,或者行為模式,在某些方面是反應著天上的循環週期。這些帶來有關自然力本質的變化(炙熱、颳風、下雪或是潮濕的狀態,等等):由太陽引导、由月亮觸發並且由行星輔助格局配置加上恆星的天文現象。這普遍的气象的特質隨後來考慮決定這氣質四種氣質)——在特定地點的時間之那一刻的性質——這是被推定為具印痕的,作為一種時間上的印記之分類,在該時間的剎那於任何事物的根源上進入了萌發或者是显现狀態。托勒密也承認了這種氣質成功的分析是不容易實現的,然而藉由有能力的某人來决定於他會把這資料看作是“既合乎科學地並且接近成功的推測(both scientifically and by successful conjecture)”。他質問著為什麼,假如一個人能夠從這天上循環週期的知識在農業的播種與動物上可靠地預知了普遍的氣候模式/形態以及他們的影響:

原文:

... can he not, too, with respect to an individual man, perceive the general quality of his temperament from the ambient[41] at the time of his birth, … and predict occasional events, by the fact that such and such an ambient is attuned to such and such a temperament and is favourable to prosperity, while another is not so attuned and conduces to injury?[42]

譯文:

…他不能,並且又,關於一位個別的人,從在他的出生時間的周围环境察覺/看出他的氣質之普遍性,…並且預測到偶發事件,藉由這事實為某某/如此這般的一個周圍環境是相合於某某/如此這般的一項氣質有並且是有利於繁榮昌盛/順利,而另一個則不那麼相合並且會导致伤害/受損?

雖然意味著這樣的論據是足以證明占星術的有效性,托勒密承認/同意許多謬誤是在它的實作中造成的——部份地因為“不證自明的無賴(evident rascals)”其佯稱實踐著它(占星術)是沒有適當的知識以及假裝地來卜問/預言事情這不能被理所當然的得知(有時於實際操作上採用著‘占星術’這術語其乃為非屬實地從事純正的占星術研究)[43][c],並且因為正當/合法的从业者在有限的生命期間中必須取得廣大的知識與經驗。他的總結是這項研究通常只能夠給予可靠地概括性知識;[c]那占星術上的忠告應該是會受到歡迎但是非預期般地完美到無可指責/沒有錯誤的;[c]並且那占星家不應該受到批評然而支持/鼓勵於一部判定/判斷的彙編中去整合非天體週期資訊(比如得知一個人的民族背景、國籍以及父母亲的影響為何)。[44][c]

天文學作為博雅教育七大學科之一的十五世紀手稿插圖,顯示出托勒密做為它的支持者。
對於占星術是否是自然與有用的論據[c][编辑]

在第三章之中托勒密堅決主張占星術的預測是既自然而且有益的。於十二世紀裡這些概念/理念即翻譯成了拉丁文被描述為在中世紀基督教之中對於占星術的適宜/有益態度之採納是“至關重要的”。[45]

托勒密首先提出/倡議它對於導致了可能要發生什麼的預測並非是“無用的”,即便這項預測並不提供方法來避免即將發生的災難。這是眾所周知/著名的古典/經典评论之一其在西塞羅的文獻《卜筮英语De Divinatione》(De Divinatione)之中已被帶到一個引人注目的地方,[c]在這項論據中其來自於對迫在眉睫災難的毫无用处/无济於事之警告正當是他們沒有提供趨吉避凶/避難的方法的時候。[46]托勒密在他的占星術作為一門學科的評價中給予了卜筮/占卜一項更加積極的看法/見解“由此我們獲得了人性和神性事物/事情的全貌(by which we gain full view of things human and divine)”,[47]當中,他主張,提供著“對於每一項氣質/性格什麼是恰當和有利(what is fitting and expedient for the capabilities of each temperament)”的更好之看法。[47]他認為占星術作為一項促進增進自我認識的學科,被評價為愉快與順遂的來源;因為即便占星術在財富與聲譽上的獲得之中不能有所幫助;同樣地可以說所有的哲學,這本身就涉及了“更大的裨益”。因此,在不幸事件的情況之中這將是必然會发生的,托勒密斷言這占星術的預測依然會帶來好處,因為“藉著悠遠事件的預知彷彿他們正在當下般令靈魂習慣與冷靜,並且無論何事的到來準備連同著鎮定和堅定態度一起迎接它(foreknowledge accustoms and calms the soul by experience of distant events as though they were present, and prepares it to greet with calm and steadiness whatever comes)”。[47]

托勒密的下一個論據是要避免當實際的預測被看作是暗示著命中注定的必然性這樣批評之發生。這一點對於後來神學的接納是至關重要的,自從中世紀宗教的教義規定指示個人的靈魂必須具備自由意志,为了要對順從他們其自身的選擇和後果負責。費爾特雷的杰拉德(Gerard of Feltre)之十三世紀的文獻《星宿知識大全》(Summa on the Stars)為神學上的論據說明占星術決定論所造成的問題:“假使星宿造成一個人為兇手或小偷,那麼祂則更加是第一因,上帝,祂做了這個,這乃是不體面/可恥的建議/暗示(If the stars make a man a murderer or a thief, then all the more it is the first cause, God, who does this, which it is shameful to suggest)”。[48][c]托勒密藉由提出了隨後的說明來應答這樣的批評當天體循環週期是完全可靠並且“按照神聖的亙古履行,不能改變的命運(eternally performed in accordance with divine, unchangeable destiny)”的同時,[47][c]世間的一切事物也受到了如此的支配即“一個自然與易變的命運,加上在於牽引它的乃是源自在其之上被機會和自然順序所決定/治理第一因(a natural and mutable fate, and in drawing its first causes from above it is governed by chance and natural sequence)”。[47]他因此聲稱沒有什麼命運注定的事是不可以撤銷的,並且我們不這麼設想“彷彿人類參與的事件作為是天上原因導致的結果…注定必然要發生的沒有任何其他原因無論怎樣的干擾/干涉之可能性存在著(events attend mankind as the result of the heavenly cause as if … destined to take place by necessity without the possibility of any other cause whatever interfering)”。[47]

在這個議論之中托勒密表明一種看法這是由許多後來的占星術作家所呼籲的,認為“較小的原因總是屈從於更強大的(the lesser cause always yields to the stronger)”。[49]他看到一個人因為無法抗拒其發生在廣泛社會共同體上更大循環週期的變化/改變,所以說即使一個人其命盤標明指出發達/裨益卻可能在他的社會共同體是被自然災害或瘟疫襲擊這一段時間毀滅消亡。然而,托勒密還主張災難性事件將只遵循一個自然的進程如果沒有採取應對行動以避免問題的話,當如同“未來發生之事對人而言是不可知的,亦或假如他們是知道的以及其補救措施是不適用的(future happenings to men are not known, or if they are known and the remedies are not applied)”。[49]他對有把握的事物以書面形式在宿命對自由意志的論點上採取了一個均衡的姿態/立場,因為其有效之緣由是眾多的,成為必然,而其他人可藉由占星術預測之行徑能夠避免掉。占星家/占星師的立場是被比擬於醫師/醫生的,他必須能夠預先地辨認出哪些疾病始終是致命的,並且容许有援助/協助的可能。[49]

原文:
"...it is the same with philosophy - we need not abandon it because there are evident rascals amongst those that pretend to it."
譯文:
“…它是與哲學相同 ─ 我們不需要拋棄它因為那裡有不證自明的無賴在這些之中對它佯裝著。”

——托勒密,《占星四書》卷壹·第二章

因而其乃是合理的,在托勒密的評估/判断裡,於穩健溫和的行動與明白/察覺出生時具有的先天氣質/性格的普遍性/占优势之處以及氣質/性格未來的勃發興盛(榮、廟旺)或損毀傷害(枯、落陷)是如何,或者選出一個从占星术角度來看適宜採取行動/各项活动的時間(時辰)去行動 ─ 就如同這麼樣合理地去使用星宿的知識以確保海上航行安全;使用月亮循環週期的知識以確保成功地育種與播種,或者讓我們自己針對在酷寒的極端條件下去預防,以便於讓我們能減少寒害、凍傷。

托勒密對這個學科哲學上/賢明的結論,這有助於穩固它的(占星術)知識地位並庇荫著從事占星術的知識份子/學者一直到十八世紀,(他的結論)是這樣的:“即便它並非萬無一失,至少它以呈現出高度重視價值的可能性(even if it be not entirely infallible, at least its possibilities have appeared worthy of the highest regard)”。[49]他(托勒密)擁有有正當的理由憑藉他的智慧參與在這項研究之中,乃根據著他得意的哲學原理/原則,托勒密接著將注意力轉向占星術的理論實踐上,並且隱藏在其背後的原則安排是有條理/合理的。

原則介紹[编辑]

天體圖 — 葡萄牙籍宇宙學家及製圖師巴爾托洛梅烏·維利烏(Bartolomeu Velho)所製作的一幅托勒密的地心說系統圖解,1568年(法国国家图书馆〔Bibliothèque Nationale〕,巴黎)

《占星四書》獨一無二的特徵/特点之一,其中包括該時代的占星術文獻,其第一本書(卷壹)不僅是有程度地介紹基礎的占星術原則,而在這推論的综合和解釋說明其背後所聯系的(哲學思想)據傳聞是與亞里斯多德哲學一致的。[50]第四章,舉例來說,詮釋/闡釋“行星的力量”即通過他們(亞里斯多德哲學)的聯結伴隨著創新的溫暖或潮濕的体液特質,亦或寒冷和乾燥的缩减特質。[51]因此火星被描述/形容為一種破壞性/有害的行星因為祂在體液上的聯結是過度乾燥,同时木星被定義為適度/温和的與豐饒的因為祂是聯結著適度的溫暖與濕潤/濕度。[52]這些聯結是基於有關太陽這顆行星(在今日天文學定義上祂是恆星)的安排方式,乃因這是作為源自地心觀點的認知,祂們如果是以地球為中心在環繞的話,這是憑藉著祂們的軌道來做测量的。

接下來的三個章節(第五、六、七章)安排行星正反相對性質的成双配組,藉由採用/運用著季蒂昂的芝諾(Zeno of Citium)以及畢達哥拉斯學派(的學問)統合/統一這些亞里斯多德的原則與盛行的希臘哲學在一起。[51]祂們可能是有益的英语Benefic planet(適度溫暖或濕潤)或者是有害的英语Malefic planet(過度寒冷或乾燥);陽性(乾燥)或者是陰性(濕潤);積極活躍和日宮英语astrology of sect(Diurnal,也譯為日生盤。適合於白天/晝間的特質並且與太陽的性質一致)或者是消極被動和夜宮英语astrology of sect(Nocturnal,也譯為夜生盤。適合於夜晚/夜間的特質並且與月亮的性質一致)。[53]由於這些體液的聯結是隨同太陽配置結構一起派生而來的,第八章根據著每一顆行星與太陽一起会合週期的階段/定相來描述他們是如何巧妙的修正/修改。[54]

第九章論述了“恆星的力量”。在這裡,托勒密描述祂們的“溫度”作為是像他早已下定義的行星一樣,而不是直接的給以體液聯結。因此畢宿五(“稱為圣火”[h];或是譯為火炬)被描述為具有“一種像是火星般的溫度(a temperature like that of Mars)”,同时在畢宿星團中的其他恆星是“像土星和適度的像水星(like that of Saturn and moderately like that of Mercury)”。[55]在本章的最後托勒密澄清這些都不是他的建議/意思(見),而是從歷史來源上得出的,由於“星宿本身影響力/作用的觀測資料是經由我們的前輩創造完成的(the observations of the effects of the stars themselves as made by our predecessors)”。[56]

在一幅由黃道十二星座所環繞的天球儀(celestial spheres)圖像/形象之下,托勒密正在指導/教導芮吉欧蒙塔那司(Regiomontanus)。出自於托勒密《至大論》的卷首插画,(威尼斯,1496年)。

第十章更明確返回到體液的主題,闡明黃道帶四季分際上是對齊一致,並因此强调通過潮濕、溫暖、乾燥以及寒冷(隨著由春季夏季秋季,以及冬季所帶來的)轉換的表現。同樣地,占星圖的四個角英语Angle (astrology)呈現一項體液鮮明要點是通過与四個主导风向影響之联系那(四個風向)是從他們的排列方向吹拂得。[57]卷壹的其餘部分(一直到最後兩個章節這是有涉及到行星狀態英语planetary phase〔planetary phases〕和行星相位的應用/運用),提出了主宰星(rulerships)、区间(divisions),以及黃道十二宮的配置結構,其中大部分都講述与天文學有关的定義、季节的影響、物理學以及幾何學英语History of geometry。幾何學原理/原則是用於定義占星相位的有利(吉相位)或不利(凶相位)之性質,是基於行星以及十二星座與黃道度數的角度關係。[15]

在托勒密的時代中黃道十二宮的範圍是接近於那些看的見的星群這稱呼(十二星座)即為祂們(看的見的星群)所具有著,然而托勒密於描述作為固定黃道帶的起點/基點之中指明了兩個參考系統/思想體系之間其理論上的區別,(固定起點)不是由星宿(位置所決定),而是由數學計算出的春分点(vernal equinox)決定。[58]這就決定了季節性/週期性是建立在以回归黄道(tropical zodiac)為基礎的而有關它的取名是來自於希臘字彙τροπικός,希臘文拉丁轉寫tropikos,英譯為:‘of the turning’,漢譯為:‘旋转’,[59]因為它是經由四季/季節的轉動順序來設置,並且受制於歲差(Axial precession or precession),通過可見的星群(十二星座)經歷了一個緩慢而漸進的演變。[60]为了同样的理由,其標記/標明著太陽的夏季和冬季的點(巨蟹座摩羯座)的星座即被形容為‘至點星座(tropical signs)’,[61]因為這些是太陽在黄纬(celestial latitude)上‘轉動’祂方位/方向的位置,(從而定義地球的緯線〔circles of latitude,也翻譯為纬度圈、黄纬圈、緯線圈〕被稱為北回歸線南回歸線)。[62]

然而其他古代占星作家給與它們強調這樣占星定義上的詮釋/解释(譬如,在形容著至點星座迅速變化的情況是如何表示),[63]托勒密的焦點显然地有所不同;是給予其背後天文學與哲學因素上的定義而不是在實際應用/實踐上它們的占星含義。托勒密解釋說黃道帶上的定義不是他個人自己的,而是提出“黃道十二星座的自然/固有性質/個性,隨著祂們已經藉由傳統而流傳下來了(the natural characters of the zodiacal signs, as they have been handed down by tradition)”。[64]他的方法在他所示范綱要的/嚴謹、有章法安排的邏輯(比如十二星座的主宰行星英语Domicile (astrology)背後的哲學原則)那兒是找出文雅的詞句/措辭,[65]然而要注意到客觀傳達關於占星術的元素/原理那可不是這麼显然的‎似是而非般。[66]這是可以在托勒密避免進入對於占星術的內容方面其乃是依靠/依賴著神話的,或者是象征的聯結/聯想之方式看出來,並且他是多麼願意概要地說出在占星術的提议/建議上背後矛盾衝突的推理/论证在超過一個又一個方案/意見上沒有流露任何個人的偏愛、喜好。[67]

一些評論家已經看待托勒密對於占星術的爭論點比較冷靜的方式作為理由來假設他最感興趣的是在於理论原則而不是占星術的实务/實際操作。[68]另一方面,客觀的語氣、筆調這可是標誌著他的行文風格;他斷言這項學科是很自然的(由此他沒有做出需要為了保密的誓言,因而未隨同著從它〔占星術〕的一些同时代研究者如此地採取保密誓言的作法);[69]並且他表現出恭敬的參考不同觀點沒有去詆毀、醜化作者而從他自己的實作上其可能會採取不同的方式,[70]所有幫助於其文獻歷史聲譽的穩固是因為一位智慧卓越的人士。古典學學者馬克·萊利(Mark Riley)在他的评价中就托勒密靠攏占星術與之完全相同的理論傾向在一起的學科那方面他應用到天文學、地理學以及對於他所撰寫的其他科學而提出了這些要點。[71]這種獨特方式的作風引导著萊利下論斷:“托勒密的著作顯示出這方面是所有後來占星術家所應有的,不是它對(占星術)從業者有用處/效用,而是他的占星術和科學有權威性的综合(The respect shown to Ptolemy’s work by all later astrologers was due, not to its usefulness to the practitioner, but to his magisterial synthesis of astrology and science)”。[50]

卷貳:世俗占星術[编辑]

卷貳介紹了托勒密在世俗占星術(mundane astrology,中文字義上也可以翻譯成世界占星術俗世占星術)的論述。這是提供一項民族既定觀英语ethnic stereotypes(ethnic stereotypes)、蝕相(泛指日月蝕)、彗星的意義以及季節性的月亮週期(lunations,中文字義上也可以翻譯成阴历月朔望月)之综合且全面性审查,因為是使用在國家經濟、戰爭、瘟疫、自然災害和氣候模式/形態的預測之中。沒有其他留存下來的古代文獻提供一份這個主題的可比较之記錄,這是按照由托勒密所提供內容的廣度和深度方面而言。雖然沒有給予示範的例證,他在他這項學科的分支中的撰寫是具有權威性的,這意味著對於他(托勒密)而言它(世俗占星術)是特別感興趣的。現代評論家評論說托勒密是“有意識/自觉地採取了不同的途径(consciously taking a different approach)”來與“伴隨著‘古老’一起,無窮複雜的辦法(with the 'old', infinitely complicated methods)”形成對照。[15]

托勒密一開始即聲明他已簡要回顧了重要的原則並且現在將要在適當的程序中發展占星術的內容、细节。他的觀點是任何‘特定性’個人占星評估必須依赖著他們民族類型的‘普遍性’氣質之先验知识為基礎;而且個人生活的情況是被歸入其中的,在某种程度上,是被涵蓋在他們的社會共同體的命運之內。[72]

第二章給予一個在各種气候区英语climes[i](基於緯度上的劃分)的居民之間遺傳/起源發展是怎麼樣的差異的廣闊性歸納/概論。生活在赤道附近的社會共同體,舉例來說,被形容為具有黑皮膚、小個子,濃密的羊毛状(蓬亂)頭髮,作為對該地方強烈的燥熱、熱度之保護性反應。相形之下,已定居在高纬度的北方地区之中的社會同體是以他們寒冷的生活環境與其地區更大部分的濕度參與其中而被定義。他們的身體形態是蒼白、高大、伴隨著細髮,並且在他們的特徵/特性中他們是被形容為“在本質上有些冷淡/冷漠(somewhat cold in nature)”。[73]這兩種類型被描述為缺乏文明乃是因為他們極端的生活環境所致,然而生活在溫帶地區的社會共同體是中庸的外貌、中等身材以及享有一個平靜的生活方式。根據著在這種類分析內出現的混雜/混合型態在一些地區也是有同样地/类似的定義。托勒密解釋說這樣的考慮只是循概略的程序处理,‎對於接下來的所描述的作為一項背景考量。他還明確指出這樣的特质/特点被發現是“普遍性的存在,而不是在每個個體之中。(generally present, but not in every individual)”。[73]

十五世紀的地圖描繪了托勒密對於(當時所認知的)居住世界之描述,(1482年,约翰內斯·施尼茨尔〔Johannes Schnitzer〕)。

在第三章之中托勒密結合他在占星學和地理學的興趣,來勾勒出這占星術上“我們居住的世界(our inhabited world)”之聯想。地圖是以托勒密的《地理學指南》(Geographica)為基礎顯示出托勒密對有人居住世界的定義為(大致地)從赤道延伸到北纬66度,涵蓋介於大西洋和東中國海之間絕大多數的陸地面積。[74]托勒密擴展了在古代巴比倫文獻之中給出/特定的邏輯其中已知世界的四個方向/地區/住處(quarters)都被劃归于黃道帶的四組三分主星英语triplicity(triplicity)之安排/排列。[75]這劃歸/歸屬是基於行星所主宰的四組三分主星和方位還有風向這些与行星有关系之間的聯結。舉例而言,這‘牡羊座三分主星’(其中包括牡羊座、獅子座和射手座)多半是由木星主宰和火星的協助。木星掌管北風和火星掌管西風;因而這三分主星主宰托勒密所述“居住的世界(inhabited world)”之西北方向/地區/住處(quarter):這區域被稱為歐洲。[76]

再者,這些区分是普遍性的,加上每個國家/民族特定的主宰星是經由位置和觀察到的文化差異來進行修改。舉例而言,在歐洲之中,只有那些極度位於西北區域一帶的才是完全劃歸於木星和火星,since those that lie towards the centre of the inhabited area incline towards the influence of opposing regions。[77] In this way, the "inhabited region" experiences a drift of astrological correspondence rather than sharp divisions within its quarters, and independent nations are variously affiliated with the signs of each triplicity and the planets that rule them. Ptolemy names Britain and Spain as two nations appropriately placed in the north-west quarter to accept the rulership of Jupiter and Mars. Such nations are described as "independent, liberty-loving, fond of arms, industrious", based on characteristics attributed to those planets. Being predominantly governed by masculine planets they are also "without passion for women and look down upon the pleasures of love".[77] Observed characteristics influence his categorisation of Britain as having a closer affinity with Aries and Mars (by which "for the most part its inhabitants are fiercer, more headstrong and bestial"), whilst Spain is reported to be more subject to Sagittarius and Jupiter, (from which is evidenced "their independence, simplicity and love of cleanliness").[77]

Though Ptolemy describes his analysis as a "brief exposition",[78] the chapter builds into an extensive association between planets, zodiac signs and the national characteristics of 73 nations. It concludes with three additional assertions which act as core principles of mundane astrology:

  1. Each of the fixed stars has familiarity with the countries attributed to the sign of its ecliptic rising.
  2. The time of the first founding of a city (or nation) can be used in a similar way to an individual horoscope, to astrologically establish the characteristics and experiences of that city. The most significant considerations are the regions of the zodiac which mark the place of the Sun and Moon, and the four angles of the chart – in particular the ascendant.
  3. If the time of the foundation of the city or nation is not known, a similar use can be made of the horoscope of whoever holds office or is king at the time, with particular attention given to the midheaven of that chart.[78]

蚀相(日月蝕)的運用[编辑]

The remainder of the book shows how this information is used in the prediction of mundane events. Focus is given to eclipses, as the "first and most potent" cause of change,[79] supplemented by examination of the 'stations' of the superior planets: Saturn, Jupiter and Mars.[80] Although eclipses are deemed relevant to any nation affiliated with the zodiac signs in which they occur, Ptolemy's scrutiny is reserved for regions where they are visible, which he argues will manifest the effects most noticeably.[81] The period of obscuration determines the endurance of the effect, with each hour proportioning to years for a solar eclipse and months for a lunar eclipse.[82] The location of the eclipse with relation to the horizon is then used to judge whether the effects are most prevalent at the beginning, middle or end of the period, with times of intensification identified by planetary contacts to the degree of the eclipse which occur within this period.[83]

托勒密正使用著四分儀的描繪,出自乔尔丹诺·利雷提(Giordano Ziletti)的《根據托勒密占星術和地理學的原理》(Principles of astrology and geography according to Ptolemy),1564年。

Chapter 7 begins the examination of what type of event will manifest. This is judged by the angle of the horizon which precedes the eclipse in the chart set for the location under scrutiny[84] and the planet(s) that dominate this angle by rulership and powerful aspectual connections.[85] Whether the predicted effect is beneficial or destructive depends on the condition of these planets, whilst the type of manifestation is judged by the zodiac signs, fixed stars[86] and constellations involved.[87] The resulting prediction is of relevance to nations, but Ptolemy points out that certain individuals are more resonant to the effects than others; namely those have the Sun or Moon in their horoscopes in the same degree as the eclipse, or the degree that directly opposes it.[88]

Within his Almagest Ptolemy explains that he had access to eclipse records kept for 900 years since the beginning of the reign of king Nabonassar (747 BC).[89] In chapter 9 of the Tetrabiblos he shows knowledge of the Babylonian lore that accompanied these records in detailing the omens based on visual phenomena. The colours of eclipses and "the formations that occur near them, such as rods, halos, and the like" are considered[90] along with the astrological significance of comets, in whether they take the form of "'beams', 'trumpets', 'jars', and the like". Meaning is derived from their position relative to the Sun and assessment of "the parts of the zodiac in which their heads appear and through the directions in which the shapes of their tails point".[91] It is noted that here Ptolemy uses principles that fall outside the neat theoretical logic he presents in book I, being explicable only in terms of the mythological and omen tradition inherited from his ancient sources.[92] He also defends the subjective nature of the analysis involved, asserting that it would be impossible to mention the proper outcome of all this investigation, which calls for enterprise and ingenuity from the astrologer creating the judgement.[93]

The remaining chapters of book II are dedicated to meteorological matters. Chapter 10 specifies that the new or full Moon preceding the Sun’s ingress into Aries can be used as a starting point for investigations concerning the weather patterns of the year. Lunations which precede the Sun’s ingress into any the other equinoctial and solstice signs (Cancer, Libra and Capricorn) can also be used for seasonal concerns, and within these "monthly investigations" bring more particular details based on lunations and the conjunctions of the planets.[94] The recorded weather effects of the fixed stars in the zodiac constellations are systematically discussed, concluding with the relevance of generally observed sky phenomena such as shooting stars, cloud formations and rainbows.[95] These final considerations are expected to add localised details to the original exploration of eclipse cycles. Ptolemy's theme throughout the book is that charts of this nature cannot be judged in isolation, but are to be understood within the pattern of cycles to which they belong, and where there are strong connections between the degree points involved; for:

In every case… one should draw his conclusions on the principle that the universal and primary underlying cause takes precedence and that the cause of particular events is secondary to it, and that the force is most ensured and strengthened when the stars which are the lords of the universal natures are configurated with the particular causes.[96]

With the astrologer expected to have knowledge and awareness of the mundane cycles that outline the background principles of the personal horoscope, Ptolemy closes this book with the promise that the next will supply "with due order" the procedure which allows predictions based on the horoscopes of individuals.

卷參:個人命盤(遺傳的影響和稟性)[编辑]

Byzantine reproduction of a Greek horoscope attributed to the philosopher Eutocius, 497 A.D.

Books III and IV explore what Ptolemy terms "the genethlialogical art": the interpretation of a horoscope set for the moment of the birth of an individual.[97] He explains that there are several cycles of life to consider but the starting point for all investigation is the time of conception or birth. The former "the genesis of the seed"” allows knowledge of events that precede the birth; the latter "the genesis of the man" is "more perfect in potentiality"[97] because when the child leaves the womb and comes "forth into the light under the appropriate conformation of the heavens" the temperament, disposition and physical form of the body is set.[98] The two moments are described as being linked by a "very similar causative power", so that the seed of the conception takes independent form at an astrologically suitable moment, whereby the impulse to give birth occurs under a "configuration of similar type to that which governed the child's formation in detail in the first place".[97] Chapter 2 continues this theme in discussing the importance of calculating the precise degree of the ascendant at birth, the difficulty of recording local time precisely enough to establish this,[99] and the methods available for rectification (i.e., ensuring the chart is correct).[100]

Chapter 3 describes how the analysis of the chart is divided into predictions of:

  1. essential, genetic qualities established prior to birth (such family and parental influences),
  2. those that become known at the birth (such as the sex of the child and birth defects), and
  3. those that can only be known post-natally (such as length of life, the quality of the mind, illnesses, marriage, children, and material fortunes).

Ptolemy explains the order by which each theme becomes relevant, and follows this in his arrangement of topics presented in the remaining chapters of books III and IV.

First he deals with the prenatal matters, covering the astrological significators of the parents in chapter 4, and siblings in chapter 5. Then he deals with the matters "directly concerned with the birth",[101] explaining how to judge such issues as whether the child will be male or female (ch.6); whether the birth will produce twins or multiple children (ch.7); and whether it will involve physical defects or monstrous forms; if so, whether these are accompanied by mental deficiency, notability or honour (ch.8).[102]

"The consideration of the length of life takes the leading place among inquiries about events following birth, for, as the ancient says, it is ridiculous to attach particular predictions to one who, by the constitution of the years of his life, will never attain at all to the time of the predicted events. This doctrine is no simple matter, nor unrelated to others, but in complex fashion derived from the domination of the places of greatest authority."

——Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos III.10.

The exploration of post-natal concerns begins in chapter 9 with a review of astrological factors that occur when children are not reared. This considers the indications of still births and babies that seem "half-dead", or those that have been left exposed (including whether there is possibility they may be taken up and live). Chapter 10 then details the techniques for establishing the length of life under normal circumstances. This is an important and lengthy passage of text, the techniques of which require precise astronomical detail and advanced knowledge of complex progressive techniques. Jim Tester has commented on how Ptolemy goes into an unusual level of detail[103] in a responsibility that Bouché-Leclercq described as "the chief task of astrology, the operation judged most difficult by practitioners, most dangerous and damnable by its enemies".[104] Such a prediction involves judicial skill as well as mathematical expertise since several 'destructive' periods may be identified but countered by other, protective astrological influences, resulting in periods of danger or illness that does not lead to death.[105] This is followed, in chapter 11, by the astrological principles from which judgement is made of bodily appearance and temperament. The planetary significations follow the logic of their humoral associations, so that Jupiter (associated with warmth and moisture, an humoral combination which promotes growth) gives largeness in bodily form.[106] Since these define, to some extent, predisposition towards bodily afflictions, there is a natural flow towards the content of chapter 12, which focuses on the astrological significators relating to injuries and diseases. The details of planetary associations with bodily organs and functions are given, such as Saturn ruling the spleen and Jupiter the lungs. Jim Tester has pointed out that several lists of this type exist "more or less agreeing in detail".[107]

The third book concludes with a discussion in chapters 13 and 14 of what is described as a "largely overlooked" facet of Ptolemaic doctrine: the "psychological" one, which concerns the quality of the soul (or psyche).[108] Historian Nicholas Campion has discussed the roots of the notion that celestial and psychological realms are connected, which can be traced to the 6th century BC, and in Ptolemy's case presents a mixture of Aristotelian and Stoic philosophy, resting on the Platonic view that "the soul comes from the heavens" which explains "how human character comes to be determined by the heavens".[109]

The soul, for Ptolemy, includes the faculty for conscious reasoning, which is rational and attributed to the condition of Mercury, and the subconscious and unconscious elements of the mind (the "sensory and irrational part"), which is sensitive and attributed to the condition of the Moon.[110] These two chapters make analysis of instinctual impulses and moral inclinations, being concerned with psychological motives and behavioural expression rather than the physical temperament described in chapter 11. Diseases of the soul are defined as "affections which are utterly disproportionate and as it were pathological"[111] including insanity, inability to exercise moderation or restraint, instability of the emotions, depraved sexuality, morbid perversions, and violent afflictions of the intellectual and passive parts of the mind. The astrological explanations are mainly related to the exaggerated influence of destructive planets which are also in difficult configurations with Mercury and the Sun or Moon, or the planet associated with the psychological impulse (for example, Venus in matters of sexuality).[111] Campion has pointed out that these planetary associations with psychological qualities are not original to Ptolemy, being present in the Corpus Hermeticum which was in circulation in Alexandria at the time Ptolemy compiled his text.[108]:254

Within this book Ptolemy has surveyed all the topics that relate to inner qualities, genetic patterns, predispositions and the natural tendencies present from birth. His exploration of individual horoscopes continues into book IV, the only distinction of content being that subsequent topics relate to material matters and life experiences: what Ptolemy refers to as "external accidentals".[112]

卷肆:個人命盤(外界的偶發事件)[编辑]

Ptolemy's geocentric celestial spheres; Peter Apian's Cosmographia (1539)

Book IV is presented with a brief introduction to reaffirm the arrangement of content as previously described. It starts with the topics of riches and honour. Ptolemy says: "as material fortune is associated with the properties of the body, so honour belongs to those of the soul".[112] Chapter 2, on material wealth, employs the "so-called 'Lot of Fortune'" although Ptolemy's instruction conflicts with that of many of his contemporaries in stating that for its calculation "we measure from the horoscope the distance from the sun to the moon, in both diurnal and nocturnal nativities".[113] Ptolemy's reputation ensured this approach to calculation was adopted by many later Medieval and Renaissance astrologers,[114] although it is now realised that most Hellenistic astrologers reversed the formula of calculation for nocturnal births. It is notable that in his discussion "Of the fortune of Dignity", in chapter three, Ptolemy makes no reference to the Lot of Spirit (or Daimon), which would normally be used as the spiritual counterpart to the material wealth and happiness associated with the Lot of Fortune. This is viewed as a demonstration of his general dislike (declared in bk. III.3) for "lots and numbers of which no reasonable explanation can be given".[115]

The subsequent chapter, the title of which is translated by Robbins as 'Of the Quality of Action', concerns professional inclinations and the significators of career advance (or decline). This is followed by the treatment of marriage in chapter 5, which is primarily referred to the Moon in a man's chart, to describe his wife, and the Sun in a woman's chart to describe her husband.[116] Here Ptolemy shows employment of the astrological technique known as synastry, in which the planetary positions of two separate horoscopes are compared with each other for indications of relationship harmony or enmity.

"Marriages for the most part are lasting when in both the genitures the luminaries happen to be in harmonious aspect, that is, in trine or in sextile with one another … Divorces on slight pretexts and complete alienations occur when the aforesaid positions of the luminaries are in disjunct signs, or in opposition or in quartile."

——Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos IV.5.

The next four chapters complete the survey of natal themes, dealing with the topics of children (ch.6); friends and enemies (ch.7); the dangers of foreign travel (ch.8) and the quality (or type) of death (ch.9 – as opposed to the time of death considered in III.10).

The final chapter of the work is described as "a curious one"[117] for introducing a separate theme at the end of the book. This refers to the seven 'ages of man', which Ptolemy briefly mentioned in III.1 as a matter which varies the emphasis of astrological configurations according to the time in life they occur: "we predict events that will come about at specific times and vary in degree, following the so called ages of life.[118] His argument is that, just as an astrologer must consider cultural differences "lest he mistake the appropriate customs and manners by assigning, for example, marriage with a sister to one who is Italian by race, instead of to the Egyptian as he should",[119] it is necessary to consider the age in life that important astrological events occur. This is to ensure the prediction will "harmonise those details which are contemplated in temporal terms with that which is suitable and possible for persons in the various age-classes" and avoid out-of-context predictions such as imminent marriage for a young child, or "to an extremely old man the begetting of children or anything else that fits younger men".[119] This leads into a discussion of the planetary themes of the seven ages of life which:

...for likeness and comparison depends upon the order of the seven planets; it begins with the first age of man and with the first sphere from us, that is, the moon's, and ends with the last of the ages and the outermost of the planetary spheres, which is called that of Saturn.[119]

The information in the passage can be summarised as follows:[120]

Planet Period Years Age Planetary theme
☽ Moon first 4 years 0–3 babyhood suppleness, growth, changeability, nourishment of the body
☿ Mercury next 10 years 4–14 childhood development of intelligence, articulation, physical and mental dexterity
♀ Venus next 8 years 15–22 youth impulse towards love and sexuality, burning passion, guile
☉ Sun next 19 years 23–41 early manhood responsibilities, ambition, substance, decorum, change from playfulness
♂ Mars next 15 years 42–56 later manhood severity, realisation of passing prime, labour to complete life-tasks
♃ Jupiter next 12 years 57–68 full maturity fulfilment, retirement, independence, dignity, deliberation, honour
♄ Saturn all remaining years 69–death old age coldness, weakness, decline, impediments, dispiritedness

The book ends with a brief discussion of astronomical and symbolic cycles used in the prediction of timed events, which includes mention of (primary) directions, annual profections, ingresses, lunations and transits.[121]

The translator of the Loeb 1940 English translation, F. E. Robbins, reports a "puzzling problem" regarding the final paragraph of the book. One group of manuscripts have either been left unconcluded or supplied with text that matches an Anonymous Paraphrase of the work (speculatively attributed to Proclus); the other presents text which is the same in general content, but longer, according with manuscripts that were transmitted through Arabic translations.[122] Robbins considers it certain that the ending which concurs with the text of the Paraphrase is spurious. Robert Schmidt, the English translator of the later Project Hindsight edition agrees with his choice, stating that the text of the latter "sounds more generally Ptolemaic".[123]

Robbins explains that the lack of an ending usually occurs when ancient books are compiled in the form of a codex rather than a roll. Since the Paraphrase edition of the Tetrabiblos aimed to present the work's meaning without Ptolemy’s own complicated style of text construction, Robbins says that he "cannot conceive how anyone (except perhaps Ptolemy) could have reversed the process and evolved the tortuous, crabbed Greek of the latter from the comparatively simple language of the former".[122] He therefore offers both versions of the ending whilst lending his support to that which is found in the Arabic version of the text. This has the book conclude with Ptolemy declaring "since the topic of nativities has been summarily reviewed, it would be well to bring this procedure also to a fitting close".[124]

版本與流傳[编辑]

這份文獻的原始手稿已經不復存在了;其內容是從翻譯、文句片段、釋義/轉述的副本、評論以及後來的希臘手稿得知的。[125]占星研究學者德博拉·霍丁(Deborah Houlding),在一項如何具體的分析中指出在不同版本之間的一致或更改,表明著相互矛盾及衝突的細節方面都受到了三個主要流傳趨勢的影響:手稿業已通過阿拉伯文的翻譯而傳遞著;那些根據轉述/釋義的版本,以及那些比阿拉伯文譯本晚了四百年且注有日期的的手稿,然而那是未透過(訪求、查閱)希臘文(原稿)之下的翻譯。[126]

黃道十二宮的星盤。

阿拉伯文譯本[编辑]

現存最古老的手稿是由九世紀為伊沙克·本·侯賽因(Ishaq ben Husein)所彙編的一部阿拉伯譯本。這一本最初被翻譯成拉丁文的版本,是位於巴塞隆納(Barcelona)中,由蒂沃利的柏拉圖英语Plato Tiburtinus於1138年翻譯並且成為了於中世紀歐洲第一部完整介紹托勒密占星著作的最具影響力之版本。它至少留存九種手稿與五種文藝復興時期的印刷本。[127]

其他根據阿拉伯文譯本為來源的拉丁文譯本之成書還包括一本於1206年彙編的匿名(未出版)著作以及十三世紀由埃及迪奧·泰巴爾迪(Egidio Tebaldi或者稱為Aegidius de Thebaldis)所編輯的另一本著作。[128]通常的情況下,這源自阿拉伯文版文本之拉丁文譯本的成書還與一本在十一世紀由阿里·伊本·里德万英语Ali ibn Ridwan(Ali ibn Ridwan或者稱為Haly〔哈里〕)所編輯的評注一起流通著。[129]

埃及迪奧·泰巴爾迪的譯本是由艾哈德·罗道特英语Erhard Ratdolt在1484年首次出版一併隨同哈理的評注以及一本“偽(托)托勒密(pseudo-Ptolemaic or Pseudo-Ptolemy)”之名被稱為《金言百則英语Centiloquium》(Centiloquium)的格言錄一起發行。這些書刊已被描述為“十五世紀晚期義大利印刷出版品”。[129]

《蒲氏釋義》根據的版本[编辑]

一部匿名的希臘文釋義被推測地認為是五世紀的哲學家/哲人蒲洛克勒斯所著。它通常被稱為《蒲洛克勒斯釋義》(Proclus' Paraphrase,不過這本書在英文通常被簡稱為Paraphrase,翻譯為中文為《釋義》,但是為了能夠精確的指稱此書,因而可以稱為《占星四書釋義》或者直接的簡稱《蒲氏釋義》)雖然其真實性是受到質疑的,被史蒂芬·海倫(Stephan Heilen)教授形容為“非常可疑的(very doubtful)”。[130][c]這部《蒲氏釋義》的內容是接近於《占星四書》的手稿,然而它使用著簡單的行文與提供海倫教授所說的“一部更容易理解艱澀原創著作的版本(a more easily understandable version of the difficult original work)”之宗旨。[130]

在那兒方面並沒有這份文獻的現代評論版本。[130]現存最古老的手稿是被追溯至十世紀並且封存於梵蒂岡宗座圖書館(Vatican Library, Ms. Vaticanus gr.1453, S. X., ff.1–219)裡邊。[126]:269有些《蒲氏釋義》的文本被翻譯成拉丁文並同時出版發行加上由菲利普·梅兰希通(Philipp Melanchthon)在巴塞爾(Basel)所著的緒論/序言(Preface),該時間是於1554年,但是這文本不是廣為流傳的。[126]:265一份完全重現與附隨著拉丁文翻譯文本是由梵蒂岡學者里奥·奥拉提乌斯英语Leo Allatius(Leo Allatius)“為了他個人的滿足”[j]大約在1630年編譯出來並且這文本是由埃尔塞维尔英语House of Elzevir(Elzevir)在萊登(Leiden)付梓/排版及發行,該時間是於1635年,顯然地是在奧拉提烏斯不知情或沒有同意下出版的。[131]

奧拉提烏斯的拉丁文譯本在1940年的羅賓斯版本之前被用來作為所有《占星四書》的英文譯本之依據。[126]:266這些包含由約翰·惠利(John Whalley)的翻譯作品(1701年);由埃比尼泽·西布利英语Ebenezer Sibly(Ebenezer Sibly)和他的弟弟一起編譯惠利“修正版”譯作(1786年);J.M. 阿什兰的譯作(J.M. Ashmand,1822年);詹姆斯·威爾遜的譯作(James Wilson,1828年);以及其他十九世紀私下流傳的手稿如約翰·沃斯代爾(John Worsdale)的那份文本。[132]

希臘手稿[编辑]

雖然沒有托勒密原始手稿副本的留存,但是還有其他的古代著作,像是赫菲斯提欧英语Hephaestion of Thebes(Hephaistio)之《星辰對人類命運的影響力第一冊》(Apotelesmatics I),[a]其中有描述到或重現了它(托勒密原稿)的一些段落。這些都被用來幫助考證內容有爭議的地方。[126]:275[c]

關於這份文本最古老且相當完整的希臘手稿(而非轉述/釋義版的作品)被追溯至十三世紀。其他年代第二或第三古老的文本是追溯至十四世紀但是大多數(文本)是追溯至十五世紀和十六世紀。[133]在他(法蘭克·埃格爾斯頓·羅賓斯)的1940年譯作之‘引言’中,据法蘭克·埃格爾斯頓·羅賓斯的報告在歐洲的圖書館之中至少有35份的手稿存在包含著《占星四書》的全部或很大一部分內容。[134]

首部發行的版本是於1535年出書連同附隨一本由日耳曼地區古典學者乔基姆·卡梅拉留斯英语Joachim Camerarius的拉丁文翻譯。此書於1553年再版並且是(這樣子的情形)“值得注意的是提供首部拉丁文翻譯的是根據著希臘文的(文本)而非阿拉伯文(譯本)的來源”。[126]:269羅賓斯注意到於希臘文本中的1553年版本之頁碼將其對著他的英文譯本,申明“我針對著卡梅拉留斯的第二版本之校勘整理已經完成了,因為迄今為止這一直是標準的文本加上它是最合宜的(My collations have been made against Camerarius' second edition, because thus far this has been the standard text and it was most convenient)”。[134]

同樣地也是在1940年裡,一本希臘文評論版是由托氏文庫英语Teubner出版發行,其地點是在德國,這是根據著法蘭茨·波爾英语Franz Boll (philologist)未出版發行的作品/未竟之作其(成書工作)乃是由他的學生愛蜜麗·布爾(Emilie Boer)所完成的。羅賓斯在他的英文翻譯的準備中對於不能夠參考/參照到這部作品表示遺憾。[135]

在1994年裡這部‘波爾─布爾(Boll-Boer)’版本成為了由羅伯特·施密特(Robert Schmidt)的英文譯作連載刊登的依據,由“古鏡重光計畫英语Project Hindsight(Project Hindsight)”所出版發行。這‘譯者序論’是羅賓斯理解的一些“概念上涉及的問題”之評論並且主張為了新的英文翻譯的需要其認可“由波爾與布爾在1940年編輯的文本是托氏文庫可能的優勢(probable superiority of the Teubner text edited by Boll and Boer in 1940)”。[136]

希臘文本的最新評論版是由德國學者沃爾夫岡·休伯納所著作,並且由托氏文庫於1998年出版發行。以33份完整的與14份不完整的手稿為根據,休伯納也納入了布爾未公開/未發表過的筆記還有在羅賓斯與波爾─布爾中所給出的論證。[126]:273這部目前被認為是最具權威性的版本。一位评论家在《古典书籍评论》(Classical Review)的评注中宣稱它為“比在以前版本中的進步/進展幾乎在每一頁上是明顯可見的(Progress over previous editions is evident on virtually every page)”。[137]

《占星四書》的譯者以及相關版本
Joachim Camerarius 1500–1574
乔基姆·卡梅拉留斯英语Joachim Camerarius(1500年~1574年)。首位翻印《占星四書》希臘文版本的譯者。 
Hieronymus Wolf 1516–1580
赫罗尼姆斯·沃尔夫(Hieronymus Wolf,1516年~1580年)。首位翻印《占星四書評注》拉丁文版本的譯者。 
Leone Allacci 1586–1669
里奧·奧拉提烏斯英语Leo Allatius(1585年~1669年)。首位翻印《蒲氏釋義》的譯者。 
Franz Boll 1867–1924
法蘭茨·波爾英语Franz Boll (philologist)(1867年~1924年)。托氏文庫《占星四書》希臘文版(1940年)的譯者(與布爾合著)。 

相關著作[编辑]

《占星四書評注》[编辑]

除了由阿里·伊本·里德万英语Ali ibn Ridwan(哈里)在十一世紀裡對於《占星四書》所著作的阿拉伯文評論/評注之外,[138]亟需要關注到一本匿名的希臘文《占星四書評注》(Commentary,這一本著作的書名直接翻譯是《評注》或《評論》的意思,但是這裡為了更精確的指稱這本著作,此即翻譯為《占星四書評注》)這部著作,它有著年代久遠、晦澀的淵源/源起。它是在一個不確定的年代著述的,若不是在古典時代晚期就是在拜占廷(Byzantine)時期。這書也是被歸功於蒲洛克勒斯所撰述的,與他身為《蒲氏釋義》的假設性作者情況一樣,雖然海倫教授已論及過這樣的一項原因归屬“看起來像是猜測(looks like guesswork)”。[139]霍丁亦同樣地指出了把《蒲氏釋義》和《占星四書評注》裡面數據/訊息製成表格而呈現出差異“是一個争议性的說法那兩者不可能是相同一位作者的著作(is a telling argument that both cannot be the work of the same author)”。[126]:274[c]

這本希臘文的《占星四書評注》是在1559年首次出版發行連帶著附隨一部由赫罗尼姆斯·沃尔夫所譯的拉丁文譯本。這部聲称是根據著一份嚴重損壞的手稿此(書的問世)乃需要藉由沃爾夫的一位饱学/有学问朋友進行無數推測(之工作而完成),其人寧可情願採取維持匿名的方式而不願為了面對“在涉足這類文學”[139]而遭受斥責。沃爾夫的版本是連同一本《占星四書導論》(Introduction to the Tetrabiblos)裝訂在一起的,其書被歸功(推測地)於波菲利英语Porphyry (philosopher)(Porphyry)所著作,加上戴谟披罗斯(Demophilus)的旁注英语scholia[140]

這部《占星四書評注》的宗旨、意向是在提供由托勒密所描述的占星原理、原則之插圖示范说明和更完整的解釋。遵循著沃爾夫的版本之下,大量的文章段落已被納入了拉丁文的占星著作中那些拉丁著作是精選廣泛彙集的占星命盤例證、範例。兩個顯著的例子是杰罗姆·卡丹(Jerome Cardan)的《托勒密之星象決斷》(Ptolemaei De Astrorvm Ivdiciis,巴塞爾,1578年)以及弗朗西斯科·姜緹訥斯(Francisco Junctinus)的《真實反映占星術》(Speculum Astrologiae,里昂〔Lugduni〕,1583年)。[126]:273現代译者們在他們的说明注解之中仍繼續參考著赫羅尼姆斯·沃爾夫《占星四書評注》。[141]

《金言百則》[编辑]

這一本《金言百則英语Centiloquium》(Centiloquium,英譯是‘one hundred (sayings)’;漢譯是‘一百則〔諺語〕’)是常見的一本100則重要的占星格言彙集之拉丁文書名。在拉丁文裡它也被名為Liber Fructus(阿拉伯文:Kitab al-Tamara;希伯來文:Sefer ha-Peri)英譯是‘Book of the Fruit’;[142]漢譯是‘果驗之書’。這後者(指稱書名)所反映出的信念是此乃提供著一份托勒密的占星原則關鍵訣竅(竅門)之總和,並且因此表达/呈現出了“他的四書之果驗”[143]這樣的含意的書名。它的開頭,如同托勒密的著作之做法般,附隨著一篇致予“賽芮斯”的獻辭,這有助於支持這部作品是為托勒密(所撰寫)的确实性之前提假設。[138][c]

早期的手稿在其使用上通常會伴隨一本由艾哈迈德·伊本·优素福·米斯里英语Ahmad ibn Yusuf al-Misri(Ahmad ibn Yusuf al-Misri,835年~912年)所撰寫的評注/評論。[142]這著作轉變成了拉丁文翻譯之與此同時《占星四書》的阿拉伯文版本譯作同樣地正在成書。最早的譯本是由約翰內斯·赫斯貝尼恩瑟斯英语John of Seville(Johannes Hispanensis)在1136年以及蒂沃利的柏拉圖英语Plato Tiburtinus在1138年完成的。[143]

阿里·伊本·里德萬英语Ali ibn Ridwan(哈里),此人創作出了對於托勒密著作的阿拉伯文評注/評論,注意到了那訊問性占星術(即卜卦占星術)的格言之突出原則,並且想知道為什麼托勒密沒有收錄涵蓋有關這些主題在他的《占星四書》裡面。[138]傑羅姆·卡丹是第一位宣稱這著作是份偽造品乃是根據著這樣的差異地,[c]谈及/提到在他對於《占星四書》的評注/評論裡蓋倫(Galen)的一項論據:“曩昔/从前,君主們其試圖建立偉大的圖書館以非常高昂的價格購入著名人士的書籍。經由這麼樣的做法他們造成了士人會將自己的作品假托給(歸功於)古人(In the old days, kings who were trying to establish great libraries bought the books of famous men at very high prices. By doing so they caused men to ascribe their own works to the ancients)”。[138][c]

這份文獻(即《金言百則》)的作者身份之根源如今是被歸論於“偽(托)托勒密”。[c]一些學者認為艾哈迈德·伊本·优素福才是它的真正作者。[142]還有人認為這《金言百則》,其雖然不是托勒密撰述的,可能從希臘占星術英语Hellenistic astrology保存了一些真實資料的校勘整理。[144]畢竟得,這歷史性地假設《金言百則》是托勒密占星術遺產的一部分給予了它在中世紀時期廣泛普及的影響力,藉由這樣的契机它才被確立其作為了占星術傳統之中的一份重要文獻。[143]

專有名詞[编辑]

  • 入廟(Domicile)
  • 躍升(Exaltation)
  • 三分之一對座(Trigon)
  • 界(Bound)
  • 宇宙誕生盤(Thema Mundi)

《占星四書》對中國的影響[编辑]

在天文學條目上的插圖搭配著數學運算之圖解說明,出自於1728年的《百科全書;或藝術與科學通用字典》(英文全名Cyclopædia, or an Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sciences,英文簡稱Cyclopaedia,中文直接簡譯為《百科全書》);這些天文技術也可以應用在占星術的領域中。

中國占星重要經典[编辑]

中西星學自有唐迨明清之際已有交匯,是故華夏中土亦蒙受其教言,誠有典籍據實羅列於斯。

唐朝時代[编辑]

明朝時代[编辑]

原波斯天文学家阔识牙耳(971年~1029年)所著,大明朝廷于洪武十五年(1382年)命吴伯宗和回回大师马沙亦黑、马哈麻、海达儿、阿答儿等进行翻译,翌年译成。书前载有吴伯宗和马沙亦黑的两篇译序。

本書共分四类:

一、总说题目,分二十三門;

二、断说世事吉凶,分十二門;

三、说人命运并流年,分二十門;

四、说一切选择,分三門。

清朝時代[编辑]

西洋波兰耶稣会传教士穆尼阁(Nikolaus Smogulecki,字如德,1611年~1656年,時任順治年間欽天監正)法也;中國清代薛凤祚(1600年~1680年)所译。

廿一世紀[编辑]

  • 克勞狄烏斯·托勒密著、林樂卿譯 《占星四書》

相關條目[编辑]

主要參考條目[编辑]

輔助知識條目[编辑]

註釋[编辑]

  1. ^ 1.0 1.1 關於這個詞彙的意思請參閱英文維基詞典apotelesmatic apotelesmatic條目。
  2. ^ 托勒密四大名著為:《至大論》(Almagest,也譯為《天文学大成》)、《地理學指南》(Geography)、《占星四書》(Tetrabiblos)和《光学》(Optics)。
  3. ^ 3.00 3.01 3.02 3.03 3.04 3.05 3.06 3.07 3.08 3.09 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 3.14 3.15 3.16 3.17 3.18 3.19 3.20 3.21 3.22 3.23 3.24 3.25 3.26 3.27 本處是為了全文完整而客中立地翻譯或詮釋原文、補充原文出來,不代表編輯者的立場。
  4. ^ 賽芮斯為阿波羅與水澤女神西諾珀英语Sinope(Sinope)的兒子,西諾珀是河神阿索波斯英语Asopos(Asopos)的女兒;而賽芮斯則為敘利亞一名的來源。
  5. ^ 5.0 5.1 編者按:為了顧及全文的完整性因而翻譯出來,本文源自西方人士所撰寫,加上西方人喜愛引用科學論證,在此謹客觀表露原文意思,但不代表編輯者的立場,對於托勒密的這本著作對於占星學的教學而言依然須保持其尊重態度。
  6. ^ 此處翻譯務求客觀與如實呈現原文意旨,然而若要真正完整了解其真諦請參閱原文文稿。
  7. ^ 西方放血療法最早大约於西元前1550年古埃及的《埃伯斯紙莎草紙文稿英语Ebers Papyrus》(Ebers Papyrus)有记载,當時埃及採用医蛭放血疗法,是用医蛭进行吸吮,起到放血並排除體內“污血”的作用;而歐洲的放血疗法其理论基础是奠定於古希腊的医圣希波克拉底和發展於古罗马名医蓋倫。仔細研究這項醫療要得以传承和发展必須具備深厚的醫學造詣與專業素質,所以放血疗法的醫生一定要有相當科学與严格的操作流程和标准,這項療法要能運用在醫療技术層面是非常講究得。
  8. ^ 編者按:這一段句子中原文裡面是寫作Torch,開頭是大寫的T,因此這裡翻譯作聖火。
  9. ^ 編者按:气候区在原文句子中作為climes,而在中文字義上也可以翻譯成:气候、水土、风土、地带、思潮、风气、气氛,意義很廣,因此必須根據上下文意義來做解讀。
  10. ^ 編者按:這裡為了原文完整而客觀翻譯出來,對於神學家的觀點則保持尊重的態度。

參考資料[编辑]

註腳[编辑]

  1. ^ 摘自Luck (2006) p.420.
  2. ^ 2.0 2.1 2.2 Tester (1987) p.57.
  3. ^ 3.0 3.1 3.2 Rutkin, H. Darrel, 'The Use and Abuse of Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos in Renaissance and Early Modern Europe', in Jones (2010) p.135-147.
  4. ^ Robbins (1940) 'Translator's Introduction' II, p.xii. Analogies between the status of the Tetrabiblos in astrology and the Bible in Christianity are frequent. See for example Riley (1974) p.235, "virtually the Bible of astrology"; Broughton, Elements of Astrology (1898) p.7: "Ptolemy’s Four Books on Astrology are to the European and American Student what the Bible is to the student of Christian Theology"; Tucker, Principles of Scientific Astrology (1938) p.32: "it is the Tetrabiblos which interests astrologers ... it is their astrological bible"; and Zusne, Jones, Anomalistic psychology: a study of magical thinking (1989) p.201: "the astrologer's bible, the Tetrabiblos, is still in use in the Western world".
  5. ^ Saliba (1997) p.67.
  6. ^ 6.0 6.1 Tarnas (1991) pp.193–194.
  7. ^ Webster (1979) p.276.
  8. ^ See Ramesey (1654) bk. I 'A vindication of astrology', p.2, which presents a lengthy argument for why astrology is defined as a "Mathematical art", being neither "a distinct Art or Science by itself" but "one of the Liberal Sciences". See also Thorndike (1958) vol. 12, ch.5: 'Astrology to 1650', and Thomas (1971) ch.3: 'Astrology: its social and intellectual role' which describes the determined efforts to preserve the intellectual standing of astrology in the mid-late 17th century, which rapidly collapsed at the end of that century.
  9. ^ Lehoux (2006) p.108: "Perhaps the most influential of the ancient physical accounts is that offered by Ptolemy in his Tetrabiblos".
  10. ^ For example, the Whalley translation (1701), and 'corrected edition' by Ebenezer Sibly and his brother (1786); James Wilson (1828), and other privately circulated manuscripts of the 19th century such as that produced by John Worsdale; the Project Hindsight translation by Robert Schmidt (1994). Details of these texts and other translations are given in the section on Editions and translations.
  11. ^ Rudhyar (1936) p.4.
  12. ^ Avelar and Ribeiro (2010) 'Annotated Bibliography' p.275: "This is an astrological classic and probably the most widely cited in the history of the art. It is one of the most important and influential works in the field of astrology ... without a doubt, indispensable for any serious student of astrology".
  13. ^ Ashmand (1822) 'Translator's Introduction'.
  14. ^ 14.0 14.1 14.2 Houlding (1993) p.3.
  15. ^ 15.0 15.1 15.2 Riley (1988) p.69.
  16. ^ 16.0 16.1 Tester (1987) p.60.
  17. ^ Tester (1987) p.59; Lehoux (2006) pp.107-109.
  18. ^ Tester (1987) p.64.
  19. ^ Tetrabiblos III.3 (Loeb: p.237).
  20. ^ Thorndike (1958) vol. 1, p.116.
  21. ^ Avelar and Ribeiro (2010) ch.2, pp.10–17. See for exampleTetrabiblos I.4: 'Of the Power of the Planets'.
  22. ^ Robbins (1940) 'Translator's Introduction', III, pp.xvi–xvii.
  23. ^ Elements of Astrology (1898) p.7. Broughton describes its value to astrologers as "One of the best books the student should read, and which is most essential" p.v.
  24. ^ 24.0 24.1 24.2 Jones (2010) 'Introduction' by Alexander Jones, p.xii: "The Tetrabiblos (again a nickname - we do not know Ptolemy's own title, but a credible guess is Apotelesmatika, roughly 'Astrological Influences')".
  25. ^ 25.0 25.1 25.2 25.3 Robbins (1940) 'Translator's Introduction' II, p.x–xi.
  26. ^ 26.0 26.1 Heilen, Stephan, 'Ptolemy's Doctrine of the Terms and its Reception', in Jones (2010) p.45.
  27. ^ 羽仁礼著,陳惠莉譯,2011年6月,《圖解西洋占星術》,新北市板橋區,楓書坊文化出版社,頁138 - 139。
  28. ^ 28.0 28.1 28.2 Tetrabiblos I.1 (Loeb: p.3).
  29. ^ N. T. Hamilton and N. M. Swerdlow, 'From Ancient Omens to Statistical Mechanics', in Berggren and Goldstein (1987), argue 150 A.D. (p.3–13); Grasshoff (1990) argues that the observations in the Almagest cover the period between 127–141 A.D. (p.7).
  30. ^ Pecker (2001) p.311. Most contemporary sources give c. 90& ndash; c. 168 as the most likely time-span of Ptolemy's life. Robbins gives 100–178 ('Introduction', I p.viii). Mark Smith also veers towards the figures given by Robbins: "It is said that he lived to be seventy-eight and survived into the reign of Antonius Pius' successor, Mark Aurelius (161–180). These two claims, if true, would lead us to place Ptolemy's death not only somewhere within that span, but probably toward the end".
  31. ^ Ashmand (1822) 'Preface' p.xxiv, footnote 4[失效連結].
  32. ^ 32.0 32.1 Lehoux (2006) footnote 28: "Older versions of the history of astronomy tended to make great hay of Ptolemy's separating his astronomy and astrology into two books (the Almagest and the Tetrabiblos), as though that pointed to doubts Ptolemy had about astrology as a body of knowledge. But Ptolemy is clear that even if it is less certain, astrology is more useful than astronomy".
  33. ^ Evans and Berggren (2006) p.127)
  34. ^ Tetrabiblos I.2 (Loeb: p.19): "...it would not be fitting to dismiss all prognostication of this character because it can sometimes be mistaken, for we do not discredit the art of the pilot for its many errors; but as when the claims are great, so also when they are divine, we should welcome what is possible and think it enough".
  35. ^ North (1989) p.248. Discussed by Boll in Studien uber Claudius Ptolemaus (Leipzig, 1894) pp.131ff.
  36. ^ Jensen (2006) p.118. Ptolemy's arguments were used by Kepler in his 1602 text, De Fundamentalis Astrologiae.
  37. ^ North (1989) p.248
  38. ^ Long (1982) p.178.
  39. ^ Tester (1987) p.64.
  40. ^ Tetrabiblos I.2 (Loeb: p.7).
  41. ^ The term "ambient" refers to the humoural state of the surrounding air; i.e., the 'enveloping environment' (Ambient: "relating to the immediate surroundings of something" Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved 4 September 2011.
  42. ^ Tetrabiblos I.2 (Loeb: p.13).
  43. ^ Tetrabiblos I.2 (Loeb: p.13), i.e., those who "for the sake of gain, claim credence for another art under the name of this, and deceive the vulgar". In his commentary on the Tetrabiblos Jerome Cardan gave the example of those who give elaborate predictions based only on the day or month of birth.
  44. ^ Tetrabiblos I.2 (Loeb: p.19): "We should not object to astrologers using as a basis for calculation nationality, country, and rearing, or any other existing accidental qualities". Most of book II is given to exploring the stereotypes of nations in astrological terms.
  45. ^ Lindberg (2007) p.247ff.
  46. ^ Cicero (c. 45 BC) II.25,54, p.433: "why do they warn us of things which we cannot avoid? Why, even a mortal, if he has a proper sense of duty, does not warn his friends of imminent disasters which can in no way be escaped".
  47. ^ 47.0 47.1 47.2 47.3 47.4 47.5 Tetrabiblos I.3 (Loeb: pp.21–23).
  48. ^ Kieckhefer (2000) p.128.
  49. ^ 49.0 49.1 49.2 49.3 Tetrabiblos I.3 (Loeb: pp.25–29).
  50. ^ 50.0 50.1 Riley (1974) p.255.
  51. ^ 51.0 51.1 Tester (1987) p.59.
  52. ^ Tetrabiblos I.4 (Loeb: p.37). See also Riley (1988) p.69.
  53. ^ Tetrabiblos I.5–7 (Loeb: pp.39–43).
  54. ^ Tetrabiblos I.8 (Loeb: p.45). The first quarter of the synodic cycle brings an added emphasis on moisture; the next increases warmth; the next (in which the cycle is receding) withdraws the moisture and brings an added emphasis on dryness, and the final quarter (which closes the cycle) withdraws warmth and brings an added emphasis on coldness.
  55. ^ Tetrabiblos I.9 (Loeb: p.47).
  56. ^ Tetrabiblos I.9 (Loeb: p.59).
  57. ^ Tetrabiblos I.10 (Loeb: pp.59–65). The Ascendant is the eastern angle, associated with the east wind (Apeliotes) which excels in dryness; the midheaven is the southern angle, associated with the south wind (Notus) which excels in heat; the descendant is the western angle, associated with the west wind (Zephyrus) which excels in moisture; and the Imum Coeli is the northern angle, associated with the north wind (Boreas) which excels in cold.
  58. ^ It is sometimes suggested that Ptolemy invented the tropical zodiac or broke conventional practice in his use of it; see for example Heilen, 'Ptolemy's Doctrine of the Terms and its Reception', p.52, in Jones (2010), or Robert and Dann,The Astrological Revolution, (Steiner Books, 2010) p.234. However, it is clear that Ptolemy was merely following convention, as demonstrated by Geminos's Introduction to the phenomena, 'On the Circle of the Signs' ch.1, where the tropical zodiac is given detailed explanation in a text dated to the 1st century BCE, and known to be based on the accounts of older authorities (Evans and Berggren (2006), Preface, p.xvi and Introduction, p.2); and also because Ptolemy states that he is offering the methods of his older sources: "it is reasonable to reckon the beginnings of the signs also from the equinoxes and solstices, partly because the writers make this quite clear, and particularly because from our previous demonstrations we observe that their natures, powers, and familiarities take their cause from the solstitial and equinoctial starting-places, and from no other source. For if other starting-places are assumed, we shall either be compelled no longer to use the natures of the signs for prognostications or, if we use them, to be in error" (I.22, Loeb: p.109–111).
  59. ^ Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon: A: 'τροπ-ή , ἡ, (τρέπω) ('turn, turning'); 1.b "each of two fixed points in the solar year, the solstices". Retrieved 24 November 2011.
  60. ^ Although the rate of revolution is only 1° every 72 years, it adds up over long periods of time. Nearly 2,000 years have passed since Ptolemy wrote his Tetrabiblos so the displacement is now approximating to the distance of a whole zodiac sign. The full cycle completes over the course of 26,000 years - see Evans (1998) p.245ff.
  61. ^ Ptolemy described only Cancer and Capricorn as 'tropical' and referred to Aries and Libra (the signs of spring and autumn) as the equinoctial signs. Generally, other ancient authors referred to all four as tropical, to distinguish them from the 'solid' signs (Taurus, Leo, Scorpio and Aquarius) which indicate established seasons, and the 'bi-corporeal' signs (Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius and Pisces), which Ptolemy says are so called because "they share, as it were, at end and beginning, the natural properties of the two states of weather" (I.11, Loeb: p.69).
  62. ^ Tetrabiblos I.11 (Loeb: p.67): "They have received their name from what takes place in them. For the Sun turns when he is at the beginning of these signs and reverses his latitudinal progress, causing summer in Cancer and winter in Capricorn".
  63. ^ By comparison, Vettius Valens mentions the fact that Cancer is a tropical sign as one of 14 descriptive terms for the sign, and sets out the character traits of those "so born", which includes reference to Cancerians being "changeable" (Anthology, I.2).
  64. ^ Tetrabiblos I.11 (Loeb: p.65).
  65. ^ Tetrabiblos I.17 (Loeb: p.79).
  66. ^ For which reason he notes, but dismisses as illogical, the use of dodecatemoria (the 12-fold division of each zodiac-sign into segments of 2 12°). His argument is that such manufactured numerical divisions have no basis in the natural astronomical cycles.
  67. ^ For example, where he explains the three different ways by which the signs can be classified as masculine or feminine (I.12, pp.69–73).
  68. ^ Riley (1974) p.247: "Quite different approaches were used by the other astrological writers, who are concerned with practical matters. Dorotheus begins, not with a proof of the validity of astrology or a description of the universe, but with instructions for calculating births, the native's status, the native's parents status, his brothers, and so on".
  69. ^ The 4th-century astrologer Julius Firmicus Maternus describes in his Mathesis (7.I.I) how oaths of silence were required by Orpheus, Pythagoras, Plato and Porphyry. Vettius Valens declared that his teachings should not be imparted to the ignorant or through chance encounters (Anthology 293.26–29) and relates how Critodemus extracted "frightful oaths" from his students (150.16).
  70. ^ Riley (1974) p.250: "Ptolemy, for whatever reason, shows few signs of the animosity toward fellow professionals which is so evident in ancient literary society".
  71. ^ Riley (1974) p.236.
  72. ^ Tetrabiblos II,1 (Loeb: p.119): "And since weaker natures always yield to the stronger, and the particular always falls under the general, it would by all means be necessary for those who purpose an inquiry about a single individual long before to have comprehended the more general considerations".
  73. ^ 73.0 73.1 Tetrabiblos II.2 (Loeb: p.123, 127).
  74. ^ A footnote in the Robbins edition offers Jerome Cardan’s explanation that Ptolemy’s "inhabited world" was conceived "as a trapezium, narrower at the top (north) than the bottom, and bounded by arcs; this is divided into quadrants by north-south and east-west lines. The 'parts closer to the centre' are then marked off by lines joining the ends of the two latter, dividing each quadrant and producing 4 right-angled triangles at the centre". Robbins (1940) p.129, n. 2).
  75. ^ The triplicity groups connect the signs that stand 120° apart, and so create the shape of a triangle when joined by lines from degree to degree within the 360° circle of the zodiac. These groups are later known as the fire, earth, air and water signs, but Ptolemy does not refer to them this way.
  76. ^ The north-eastern quarter (Scythia) is given to the triplicity of Gemini (including Libra and Aquarius); the south-eastern (Greater Asia) to the triplicity of Taurus (inc. Virgo and Capricorn); and the south-western (Ancient Libya, which corresponds to Northwest Africa), to the triplicity of Cancer (including Scorpio and Pisces).
  77. ^ 77.0 77.1 77.2 Tetrabiblos II.3 (Loeb: pp.131–137).
  78. ^ 78.0 78.1 Tetrabiblos II.3 (Loeb: pp.157–161).
  79. ^ Tetrabiblos II.4 (Loeb: p.161).
  80. ^ Tetrabiblos II.4 (Loeb: p.163). The planetary stations are where each planet's motion, according to geocentric observation, appears to halt and change direction. This leads the planet into or out of a period of apparent retrograde motion.
  81. ^ Tetrabiblos II.4 (Loeb: p.163). See also II.7 (Loeb:p.177), where the extent of obscuration helps to determine the proportion of those in the region who will feel its effect.
  82. ^ Tetrabiblos II.6 (Loeb: p.167).
  83. ^ Effects are assumed to be most effective at the beginning of the period if the eclipse is visible near to the ascendant; in the middle of the period if it is near to the midheaven, and at the end of the period if it is near to the descendant. Attention is given to significant planetary conjunctions which fall upon, or make aspects to, the zodiac position in which the eclipse occurred. In this, planets that are rising into view in new synodic cycles signify the intensification of effects, whereas planets which are at the end of their synodic phases and disappearing under the glare of the Sun’s light bring abatements (II. 6 Loeb: p.169).
  84. ^ The four ‘angles’ of the chart show where the ecliptic cuts the eastern horizon (ascendant), the upper meridian (midheaven), the western horizon (descendant) and the lower meridian (Immum Coeli). For an eclipse to be visible and therefore astrologically relevant, it must occur above the horizon, either preceding or succeeding the midheaven. If it falls between the ascendant and the midheaven, then the relevant preceding angle is the ascendant. If it falls between the midheaven and the descendant, then the relevant preceding angle is the midheaven.
  85. ^ A procedure is outlined to establish the most significant planet. Preference is given to the planet which holds dominance over the eclipse degree but if the planet that governs the preceding angle is also powerful, preference is given to whichever is closest to one of the angles of the chart. If it is impossible to distinguish between them, both are used as partners in the signification of effect.
  86. ^ Tetrabiblos II.8 (Loeb: pp.177–179). Particular attention is given to the star that rises on the ascendant or culminates on the midheaven, whichever of these is the relevant preceding angle. (II.7 Loeb: p.171).
  87. ^ As an example of how this might be applied, an eclipse dominated by the 'beneficial planet' Jupiter, in good condition, would suggest prosperity and good meteorological conditions, whereas a planet considered to be destructive, such as Saturn, would suggest scarcity, freezing weather and floods (II.8 Loeb:pp.181–183). If the event involves the tropical signs of the zodiac, the effects could be related to politics, whereas fixed signs indicate foundations and constructions of buildings, whilst common signs indicate men and kings. If the animal signs are involved, the effects relate to herds or oxen, but if the sign or constellation presents the form of water or fish, the influence connects to the sea, fleets and floods. Of the 'terrestrial' signs (those depicted by humans or animals that live on land), the northern signs anticipate problems such as earthquakes that arise from the land, whilst the southern signs bring unexpected rains (II.7 Loeb:pp.171–175).
  88. ^ Tetrabiblos II.8 (Loeb: p.191).
  89. ^ Ptolemy, Almagest (2nd century) III.7.
  90. ^ Tetrabiblos II.9 (Loeb: p.193): "For if they appear black or livid they signify the effects which were mentioned in connection with Saturn's nature; if white, those of Jupiter; if reddish, those of Mars; if yellow, those of Venus; and if variegated, those of Mercury. If the characteristic colour appears to cover the whole body of the luminary or the whole region surrounding it, the predicted event will affect most of the parts of the countries; but if it is in any one part, it will affect only that part against which the phenomenon is inclined".
  91. ^ Tetrabiblos II.9 (Loeb: p.193).
  92. ^ Riley (1988) p.76. In footnote 15 Riley also notes Franz Boll’s argument that Ptolemy borrowed the structure of some components of this book from Posidonius.
  93. ^ Tetrabiblos II.8 Loeb: p.189): "Consequently questions of this kind would reasonably be left to the enterprise and ingenuity of the mathematician, [i.e., astrologer] in order to make the particular distinctions".
  94. ^ Tetrabiblos II.10 (Loeb: p.199).
  95. ^ Tetrabiblos II.13 (Loeb: p.219).
  96. ^ Tetrabiblos II.12 (Loeb: p.213).
  97. ^ 97.0 97.1 97.2 Tetrabiblos III.1 (Loeb: pp.221–7).
  98. ^ Tetrabiblos III.1 (Loeb: p.225). This explanation was mirrored in subsequent discussions on why the moment of birth is more reliable, though not separate, from the moment of conception. For example, Johannes Kepler was following Ptolemy when he wrote in his Tertius Interveniens (1610): "When a human being's life is first ignited, when he now has his own life, and can no longer remain in the womb - then he receives a character and an imprint of all the celestial configurations (or the images of the rays intersecting on earth), and retains them unto his grave". See 7.1 of Translated excerpts by Dr. Kenneth G. Negus on Cura, retrieved 17 November 2011.
  99. ^ Tetrabiblos III.2 (Loeb: p.231).
  100. ^ Ptolemy’s method involves consideration of the preceding syzygy (New or Full Moon before birth). The text explains the principles of the ancient astrological technique elsewhere known as the 'Animodar method of rectification' (or 'System/Trutine of Hermes') which became a standard rectification procedure for Medieval and Renaissance astrologers.
  101. ^ Tetrabiblos III.6 (Loeb: p.255).
  102. ^ For example (III.8): "if even in this case not one of the beneficent planets bears witness to any of the places mentioned, the offspring are entirely irrational and in the true sense of the word nondescript; but if Jupiter or Venus bears witness, the type of monster will be honoured and seemly, such as is usually the case with hermaphrodites or the so called harpocratiacs [deaf mutes]".
  103. ^ Tester (1987) p.84: "That the topic was of great importance is shown by the length of Ptolemy’s chapter and the number of illustrations he gives to help the reader understand an immensely complex procedure. This is very unusual since Ptolemy tends to avoid details of practice, and consequently needs and uses few illustrations".
  104. ^ Tester (1987) p.84. Original source given as L’astrologie greque, 404 (Paris: Leroux, 1899).
  105. ^ Tetrabiblos III.10 (Loeb: p.285).
  106. ^ Riley (1988) p.68.
  107. ^ Tester (1987) p.61.
  108. ^ 108.0 108.1 Campion, Nicholas, 'Astronomy and the Soul', in Tymieniecka (2010) p.250.
  109. ^ Campion, Nicholas, 'Astronomy and the Soul', in Tymieniecka (2010) p.251 (acknowledging reference to Van der Waerden, Bartel, (1974) Science awakening, vol. II, 'The birth of astronomy'. Leyden and New York: Oxford University Press).
  110. ^ Tetrabiblos III.13 (Loeb: p.333). See also Campion in Tymieniecka (2010) p.251.
  111. ^ 111.0 111.1 Tetrabiblos III.14 (Loeb: pp.365–9).
  112. ^ 112.0 112.1 Tetrabiblos IV.1 (Loeb: p.373).
  113. ^ Tetrabiblos IV.1 (Loeb: p.373).
  114. ^ Lilly (1647) p.143, (for example) repeats the instruction according to Ptolemy in his chapter 23: 'Of the Part of Fortune and how to take it, either by day or night'.
  115. ^ Greenbaum, Dorian G., 'Calculating the Lots of Fortune and Daemon in Hellenistic astrology', in Burnett and Greenbaum (2007) pp.171–173, 184–5.
  116. ^ Tetrabiblos IV.5 (Loeb: pp.393–5).
  117. ^ Tester (1987) p.84.
  118. ^ Tetrabiblos III.3 (Loeb: p.223).
  119. ^ 119.0 119.1 119.2 Tetrabiblos IV.10 (Loeb: pp.439–441).
  120. ^ Tetrabiblos IV.10 (Loeb: pp.443–447).
  121. ^ Tetrabiblos IV.10 (Loeb: pp.451–455). For more on these techniques see Astrological progression.
  122. ^ 122.0 122.1 Robbins (1940) 'Translator's Introduction', p.xxi.
  123. ^ Schmidt (1998) book IV, p.50.
  124. ^ Tetrabiblos IV.10 (Loeb: p.459). See also Robbins (1940) 'Translator's Introduction', p.xxi for discussion of the variants. The comment quoted is from the ending according to Parisinus 2425.
  125. ^ Riley (1974) p.235.
  126. ^ 126.0 126.1 126.2 126.3 126.4 126.5 126.6 126.7 126.8 Houlding, Deborah 'Ptolemy's terms and conditions: the transmission of Ptolemy's terms; an historical overview, comparison and interpretation', in Burnett and Greenbaum (2007); reproduced online at Skyscript (see p.3–4,6,11,15); retrieved 7 December 2011.
  127. ^ See Houlding in Burnett and Greenbaum (2007) p.277; and Charles Burnett's 'notice' in the preface to the reproduction of Plato de Tivoli's translation by Johannes Hervagius in 1533 (available in digital format by the Warburg Institute (retrieved 19 November 2011).
  128. ^ Heilen, Stephan, 'Ptolemy's Doctrine of the Terms and its Reception', in Jones (2010) p.70.
  129. ^ 129.0 129.1 Westman (2011) p.43
  130. ^ 130.0 130.1 130.2 Heilen, Stephan, 'Ptolemy's Doctrine of the Terms and its Reception', in Jones (2010), pp.62–63.
  131. ^ Ashmand (1822) 'Preface' pp.xvii. The unknown author of the 'Address' in the 1635 Elzevir edition reports that it "was translated a few years ago" and says of its author Allatius: "He ... holds some office in the Vatican Library. He undertook his present work, however, for his own private gratification, and that of certain friends; but when writings compiled with this view have once quitted their author's hands, it will often happen that they have also, at the same time, escaped his control."
  132. ^ See Houlding, in Burnett and Greenbaum (2007), p.266 n.12, for discussion of the earlier English language editions.
  133. ^ Robbins (1940) 'Translator's Introduction' IV, in particular p.xviii. See also Hübner (1998) p.xiii.
  134. ^ 134.0 134.1 Robbins (1940) 'Translator's Introduction' p.xxiii.
  135. ^ Robbins (1940) 'Translator's Introduction' p.xiv: "Professor Franz Boll, whose studies of Ptolemy have been cited many times already, had begun work upon a new edition of the Tetrabiblos prior to his lamented death, July 3, 1924. His pupil, Fräulein Emilie Boer, however, continued Boll’s task, and the appearance of their completed text has been awaited since 1926. I regret very much that my own work on the present text and translation could not have profited from the results of the textual studies of these two scholars".
  136. ^ Schmidt (1994) book I, p.vii–viii.
  137. ^ Tiziano Dorandi, The Classical Review (2000), New Series, Vol. 50, No. 1, pp. 30–32 (reported by Houlding in Burnett and Greenbaum (2007) p.273).
  138. ^ 138.0 138.1 138.2 138.3 Grafton (1999) pp.136–7.
  139. ^ 139.0 139.1 Heilen, Stephan, 'Ptolemy's Doctrine of the Terms and its Reception', in Jones (2010), pp.65–66.
  140. ^ Robbins (1940) 'Translator's Introduction', III p.xvi.
  141. ^ See for example, Robbins (1940) p.98, n.2 and p.106, n.2.
  142. ^ 142.0 142.1 142.2 Sela (2003) pp.321–2.
  143. ^ 143.0 143.1 143.2 Houlding (2006) 'Introduction'.
  144. ^ Houlding (2006) 'Introduction'; Tester (1987) pp.154–5.

參考文獻[编辑]

十六世紀由特奧多雷·德·布里(Theodor de Bry)所製作的想像中之托勒密木刻版畫。標題讀為:Sustinuit caelos humeros fortisimus Atlas; Incubat ast humeris terra polusque tuis — ‘強大的阿特拉斯用他的肩膀扛起蒼天:然而恰好是地球與他的極點依靠著你的(這裡是指稱阿特拉斯)’。
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  • Jones, Alexander (ed.), 2010. Ptolemy in Perspective: Use and Criticism of his Work from Antiquity to the Nineteenth Century. Dordrecht; New York: Springer. ISBN 978-90-481-2787-0.
  • Kieckhefer, Richard, 2000. Magic in the Middle Ages. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-78576-1.
  • Lehoux, Daryn, 2006. 'Tomorrow's news today: astrology, fate and the way out', Representations; 95.1: 105-122. California: University of California Press. ISSN 0734-6018ISSN 0734-6018.
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延伸閱讀[编辑]

  • Theoretical and Practical Astrology: Ptolemy and his Colleagues by Mark Riley, 1974; Transactions of the American Philological Association, 117, (Baltimore; London: Johns Hopkins University Press). Explores the difference of approach taken by Ptolemy to that of other contemporary astrologers.
  • Science and Tradition in the Tetrabiblos by Mark Riley, 1988; Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 132.1, (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society). Considers the question of what Ptolemy contributed to astrology and why his work was so significant.

外部連結[编辑]

《占星四書》英文副本以及相關文獻[编辑]

《占星四書》希臘文與拉丁文副本以及相關文獻[编辑]

托勒密占星學符號表,由亞歷山卓 N. 伊希斯(Alexandre N. Isis)製作。
  • Erhard Ratdolt, Venice, 1484. First printed Latin edition of Tetrabiblos based on Egidio Tebaldi's 13th-century Latin translation out of Arabic. Also includes the Centiloquium and Commentary by Haly Abenragel (Albohazen). Biblioteca Virtual del Patrimonio Bibliografico; retrieved 10 November 2011.
  • Bonetum Locatellum, Venice, 1493. Compemdium of Latin texts including the Tetrabiblos, Centiloquium, and Ali ibn Ridwan's Commentary. Gallica Bibliothèque nationale de France; retrieved 20 November 2011.
  • Heirs of Octavius Scoti, Venice, 1519. Compendium of Latin texts including the Tetrabiblos and Centiloquium. Universidad de Sevilla; retrieved 20 November 2011.
  • Johannes Hervagius, Basel, 1533. Latin edition based on Plato de Tivoli's translation. Warburg Institute; retrieved 19 November 2011.
  • Heinrich Petri, Basel, 1541. Latin edition containing Ptolemy's Almagest, Tetrabiblos, and the Centiloquium. Biblioteca Virtual del Patrimonio Bibliografico; retrieved 19 November 2011.
  • Heinrich Petri, Basel, 1591. Latin reproduction of Hieronymous Wolf's translation the 'anonymous' Commentary attributed to Proclus. Biblioteca Virtual del Patrimonio Bibliografico; retrieved 19 November 2011.
  • Leo Allatius, Lugd. Batavorum, 1635. Greek and Latin translation of the 'anonymous' Proclus Paraphrase (Procli Diadochi Paraphrasis) based on manuscripts housed in the Vatican Library (oldest dates to 10th century: Codex Vaticanus Graecus 1453). Warburg Institute; retrieved 19 November 2011.
  • Emily Boer, Leipzig, 1961. Greek language edition of the Centiloquium published by Teubner. Open Library; retrieved 26 November 2011.

希臘文與拉丁文有大量引用、參考《占星四書》以及《占星四書評注》的占星著作[编辑]