用戶:春卷柯南/巴生分局
第二大馬計劃（馬來語：Rancangan Malaysia Kedua）是一項由馬來西亞政府頒佈，在1971年至1975年期間實施的經濟發展計劃，以貫徹馬來西亞新經濟政策為目標。它的目的是為了「重建」馬來西亞社會，削弱馬來西亞華人及外資在當地經濟中的主導地位，從而提高馬來人的經濟地位[1]。這個計劃是第一大馬計劃的延續，第一大馬計劃也特別注重於解決馬來人的貧困問題。然而，馬來西亞第一個五年計劃收效甚微，這也是引致1969年吉隆坡5·13種族暴亂的因素之一。有人認為第二次五年計劃在令馬來人多參與經濟活動這方面過於熱衷，於是當該計劃截止之際，政府相應地減少對重組經濟的強調。
原有條目：馬來西亞第二次五年計劃
背景[編輯]
馬來人儘管佔了馬來西亞人口的大多數，但是他們的經濟實力卻並不與之相符。1970年，當地土著掌控的資本僅佔馬來西亞經濟總量的1.9%，非馬來人（大多數為華人）掌控的經濟份額達37.4%，其他財富都由外國人掌控[2]。有鑑於這種巨大的差異，憲法第153條規定政府在獎學金的分配、行政部門就業等方面都要安排一定的配額，力圖提高馬來人的經濟地位。
然而，第一大馬計劃所採取的措施是依賴馬來人「充分利用這些設施和服務，為自己謀福利」，最終並沒有解決經濟失衡問題。該政策也引起非馬來人的不滿，他們在1969年大選中大都支持反對黨，因為反對黨主張減少或消除為土著而設的平權行動。5月12日反對黨支持者舉行的勝利遊行使得執政的聯盟當中的大黨馬來民族統一機構（巫統）在翌日發起報復性集會，然而，集會很快就演變為一場持續兩天的暴亂。官方數據顯示約有200人喪生，然而，其他數據表明死傷數量遠遠不止於此——上千人無家可歸，大多為華人。隨後政府宣佈緊急狀態，終止國會，並成立國家行動理事會行使政權，直到1971年國會復會為止[3]。
國家行動理事會在掌權期間提出新經濟政策。新經濟政策計劃藉助「快速拓展經濟」來實現政策的最終目標——滅貧和消除「按照經濟功能而劃定的種族區分」，目標是令土著在20年內掌握當地三成的經濟份額[4]。同樣獲得批准的遠景計劃與新經濟政策有相似的目標。新經濟政策和遠景計劃都會在1990年失效，而國會則通過第二大馬計劃，以實現這些政策的目標[5]。
經濟結構重組[編輯]
第二大馬計劃令政府的經濟參與行為有所增加，而計劃的主要目標則是提高馬來人的經濟利益，特別是在製造業和採礦業兩方面的利益。這項計劃的重點是追求經濟大幅增長，以免直接損害華人的經濟利益；這樣做的目標是擴大馬來人經濟利益和非馬來人經濟利益的絕對值，並在同時增加馬來人經濟份額的相對值。
為實施第二大馬計劃而分配的資金總值馬幣72.5億元。雖然這筆款項少於為第一大馬計劃而分配的馬幣105億元款項，不過第二大馬計劃希望能夠達致更大的減貧效果，並借着對私營企業設下一些限制措施來促進馬來人就業和為他們的經濟所有權帶來益處，令馬來人對私營經濟活動的參與有所增加。
在這個計劃公佈的時候，以評論家的話來說，非馬來人「實質上」已經「壟斷了私有工商業的職位」，並在都市區聚居。然而，包括製造業、銀行業、金融業、橡膠種植業和錫礦業在內的大部分現代工業都由外資控制，而大多數馬來人則從事種植水稻、捕魚、看管小型橡膠／棕櫚樹種植地之類的農村工作。顯然他們就連文職這類低級白領工作也無緣擔任，他們只能在行政部門出任高層職位，因為當地80%的政府工作崗位都已經預留給馬來人擔任。某些專業（例如醫藥和法律）的大部分從業員都是非馬來人。令人啼笑皆非的是，政府政策（例如憲法第153條規定的措施）只在公營事業為馬來人賦予優先權，貌似是要降低馬來人參與私營經濟領域的興趣。那時當地各族的失業情況也很嚴重，這個現象的主因是人民教育水平低下；在1970年，年齡介乎15至25歲的失業人士大約佔27.5萬失業人口的七成。這些都是新經濟政策和第二大馬計劃要着手改變的情況。
（以上已完成整合）
工業化[編輯]
Several government agencies that had been established prior to the advent of the Second Malaysia Plan increased their participation in the economy during the Second Malaysia Plan. These agencies included the Malaysian Industrial Development Authority (MIDA) and Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA). Several more were also established under the plan, including the Perbadanan Nasional (PERNAS, or the National Trading Corporation), State Economic Development Corporation and the Urban Development Authority (UDA).
計劃實行期間，部分在第二大馬計劃推出之前成立的政府機構。在計劃實行期間成立的幾個新政府機構，當中包括國民企業公司（PERNAS）、州經濟發展局和城市發展局（UDA）。
一些政府機構在馬來西亞第二次五年計劃到來之前已經建立， 在計劃實施過程中它們更加積極地參與到經濟建設中。 這些機構包括馬來西亞工業發展局（MIDA：Malaysian Industrial Development Authority）和人民信託局（MARA：Majlis Amanah Rakyat）。在計劃實施過程中也成立了一些新的機構，其中包括國家企業公司（PERNAS, 或國家外貿公司），州經濟發展局（State Economic Development Corporation）和城市發展局（UDA：Urban Development Authority）。
一些在第二個五年計劃（the Second Malaysia Plan）頒佈之前就已經成立的政府機構，在計劃實施過程中更加積極地參與到經濟事物中。這些機構包括馬來西亞工業發展局（MIDA：Malaysian Industrial Development Authority）和人民信託局（MARA：Majlis Amanah Rakyat）。在計劃實施過程中也成立了一些新的機構，其中包括國家企業公司（PERNAS, 或國家外貿公司），州經濟發展局（State Economic Development Corporation）和城市發展局（UDA：Urban Development Authority）。[6]
PERNAS was established to purchase businesses and participate in joint ventures with private companies, as well as to develop nascent industries to be held in trust until the Malays held sufficient capital to take them over. By the end of the plan's tenure, PERNAS owned 100% of eight companies involved in insurance, trading, construction, properties, engineering, securities, and mining. Joint ventures had also been formed with the private sector to develop the mining, containerisation, tourism and consulting industries.
建立國家企業公司是為了進行業務購置，與私人企業建立合資企業，並以信託的方式發展新興產業，直到馬來人擁有足夠的資本接管企業。在此計劃結束之際，國企完全擁有八家公司，這八家公司涉及保險，貿易，建築，房地產，工程，證券和礦產七大領域。為發展礦產業，集裝箱運輸業，旅遊業和諮詢業，在私營領域中也紛紛建立起了合資企業。
PERNAS的建立旨在購買企業，與私企合資，並以託管的方式發展新興產業，直到馬來人持有充足基金來接管企業。到第二個五年計劃末期，PERNAS完全擁有八家公司，這八家公司涉及保險，貿易，建築，房地產，工程，證券和礦產七大領域。為發展礦產業，集裝箱運輸業，旅遊業和諮詢業，在私營領域中也紛紛建立起了合資企業。[6]
Parliament passed the Industrial Coordination Act during the Second Malaysia Plan, which required all new manufacturing enterprises with M$100,000, or twenty-five or more workers, to be licensed by the Minister of Trade and Industry. To obtain such a licence, each firm had to meet certain conditions set by the Ministry, which could vary. Malaysian Chinese manufacturers were concerned about the act, as they had operated with minimal control from the government before. Nevertheless, the government stated the act was not meant to be detrimental towards any group, and went ahead with its implementation. Under the act, firms were divided into three categories: firms approved after 1 January 1972, firms approved before then, and firms operating without approval from the Ministry. All firms subject to the act were required to submit a proposal to the Ministry stating how they planned to achieve the long-term target of achieving 30% Malay and 70% non-Malay Malaysian ownership in the company. Proposals that were accepted then became the guidelines for how the relevant company would operate.
國會在第二次馬來西亞計劃中通過了工業協調法，該法案規定，凡從事製造業的公司，若股本總額為10萬馬幣，或受僱人員在25人或更多者，均須向貿易工業部（簡稱貿工部）申請工業執照。為了得到批准，每個公司必須具備貿工部規定的條件，具體條件可能各不相同。馬來西亞籍華裔製造商十分關注這個法案，此前他們受當地政府限制較小。雖然如此，政府強調這個法令不會妨害任何組織，並繼續實施。據此法令，公司被分成三個類，在1972年1月1日後被認可的公司，在之前被認可的公司，沒有獲得貿工部認可的公司。所有的公司依照法令都需要給貿工部提交一個議案闡明他們計劃怎樣實現在公司里馬來人佔30％和非馬來人佔70％股權這一長期目標。建議被接受後會變成有關公司如何運作的指導方針。
在第二個五年計劃實施期間，馬來西亞國會通過了工業協調法案（Industrial Coordination Act），該法案規定，凡從事製造業的公司，若股本總額為10萬馬幣，或受僱人員在25人或更多者，均須向貿易暨工業部（簡稱貿工部）申請工業執照。為了得到批准，每個公司必須具備貿工部規定的條件，具體條件可能各不相同。馬來西亞籍華裔製造商十分關注這個法案，此前他們受當地政府限制較小。儘管如此，政府聲明，該法案無意對任何群體不利，並繼續實施。法案將公司分為三類：1972年1月1日之前經貿工部批准的公司，在此之後批准的公司以及未經批准的公司。受制於該法案的所有公司須向工業部上交一份計劃，詳述公司如何計劃實現第二個五年計劃長期目標，即馬來人佔有公司股權的30%。計劃如果被接受，則成為公司運作的指導準則。[7]
Until the Second Malaysia Plan, industry was concentrated on the west coast of Peninsular Malaysia. The plan thus moved to establish new industrial estates on the east coast, in order to curb rural-urban migration—the east coast was considerably less urbanised than the west coast.
第二個五年計劃實施之前，馬來西亞的工業發展集中在馬來西亞半島（Peninsular Malaysia）西海岸地區。該計劃將重點轉移至東海岸，建立了新的工業區，以抑制農村向城市移民——東海岸的城市化進程遠遠落後於西海岸。[8]
By 1975, manufacturing activities constituted 16% of the Malaysian Gross Domestic Product (GDP), one per cent short of the target of the Second Malaysia Plan. Manufacturing grew negligibly in 1975, attributed by the government to the global recession that year. This contrasted with the 15% growth achieved in 1974, which well exceeded the target of 12.5% growth per year during the Second Malaysia Plan. Food, wood products, and chemical products made up the majority of the manufacturing sector. The substantial growth in manufacturing during this period has been attributed to the government's establishment of free trade zones, where any goods brought in would not be subject to customs duties, and goods could be freely exported abroad or transferred to another free trade zone. In 1974, such zones were declared in the states of Penang,Selangor, and Malacca. The industries located in these zones were mostly electronics-, rubber product- and textile-based.
到1975年，製造業佔馬來西亞國內生產總值的比重已經達到16%，比第二次馬來西亞計劃的目標少1％。1975年製造業增長甚微，政府將原因歸於全球經濟衰退。與此相反，1974年，增長速度為15%，大大超過了馬來西亞第二次五年計劃規定的每年增長12.5%這一目標。製造業產品中絕大部分是食品、木製品和化學製品。政府規劃的自由貿易區使得製造業大幅增長，因為任何進入該區的產品都不需要繳納關稅，他們免費出口到外國或被運往其他自由貿易區。1974年，檳城、雪蘭莪和馬六甲先後宣佈劃分出自由貿易區，落戶的行業一般是電子類、橡膠類以及紡織類。
到1975年，製造業佔馬來西亞國內生產總值的比重已經達到16%，比馬來西亞第二個計劃的目標要少1%。全球經濟在衰退，與去年的增長率15%相比，毫無疑問，馬來西亞製造業產值增長了，而去年的增長率早已遠遠超過第二次計劃的目標值——12.5%的年增長率，這都是政府做出了貢獻。製造業產品中絕大部分是食品、木製品和化學製品。政府規劃的自由貿易區帶動了民生用品的消費，因為區內任何新產品都不需要繳納關稅，他們免費出口到外國或被運往其他自由貿易區。1974年，檳城、雪蘭莪和馬六甲先後宣佈劃分出自由貿易區，落戶的行業一般是電子類、橡膠類以及紡織類。[9]
礦業[編輯]
Until the late 1970s, Malaysia was the world's foremost producer of tin, supplying roughly 40% of the non-communist world's tin. Nevertheless, tin reserves were declining; mining's contribution to the GDP was projected to fall 13% over the course of the Second Malaysia Plan, due to the exhaustion of tin and iron reserves. However, bauxite and copper continued to contribute to the mining sector in the early 1970s. Malay participation in the mining sector was minimal, and as much as 70% of the industry remained under foreign control. This was a legacy of the British colonial era; many British firms, which had arrived in the 19th century to exploit Malaysian mineral resources, had not departed yet. Malay participation in the mining sector—especially in tin—was further hampered by the British tendency in the 19th century to bring in cheap Chinese labour; most of those employed in mining were still Chinese as late as 1970.
20世紀70年代晚期以前，馬來西亞一直是世界上最重要的錫礦供應國，非共產主義國家進口的錫礦中大約40%來自馬來西亞。然而，錫礦儲量在不斷減少，加上鐵礦儲量也在減少，礦業對國民生產總值的貢獻在計劃執行期間預計將減少13% 。但是鋁礦和銅礦在20世紀70年代早期還一直推動着礦業發展。馬來人幾乎不怎麼參與採礦業，高達70%的採礦業仍為外國人所控制，這種局面是英國殖民時期的歷史遺留造成的。19世紀從英國來到馬來西亞掠奪當地礦物資源的很多公司到現在還沒有離開。英國傾向於招用中國的廉價勞動力，這愈發限制了馬來人在採礦業——尤其是錫礦的參與度，，因此20世紀70年代採礦業的僱員大部分還都是中國人。
Petroleum or crude oil began to significantly contribute to the Malaysian economy in the 1970s, as new oil rigs and refineries were set up. By 1975, total production of crude oil stood at 90,000 barrels per day (14,000 m3/d), most of it produced by Shell. In 1974, the exclusive right to own, explore and exploit petroleum in Malaysia was vested in the government enterprise of Petronas. The following year, Petronas was granted sole rights over the marketing and distribution of all petroleum products and a provision to control other companies without taking an ownership stake in them, through the issuance of management shares to Petronas.
20世紀70年代石油或者說原油開始對馬來西亞的經濟做出卓越的貢獻，人們購入新的採油設備並創辦精煉廠。到1975年，原油一天總產量達9萬桶（亦14000立方米/天），其中大部份原油產自殼公司。1974年，馬來西亞政府授權馬石油公司絕對持有、勘探和開發石油的權利。隨後那一年，馬石油公司成為唯一有權掌管石油產品投放市場和銷售配送的公司。也因此，在不享有股權的情況下，馬石油公司仍可對其他公司進行控股管理。
The number of Malays employed in the mining sector soared from 1970 onwards, as the government's restructuring policies came into force. When the Second Malaysia Plan began, less than 200,000 Malays were employed in the mining industry. By 1990, they numbered nearly a million, well ahead of the target numbers originally outlined. Licences for mining operations were specially reserved for Malays as part of the drive to increase their ownership level in the mining industry. The government also ostensibly increased Bumiputra ownership by nationalising several formerly foreign mining companies—by 1989, state corporations controlled 60% of the mining industry. The government was also aided by the fact that petroleum soon eclipsed other minerals in the mining sector—as Petronas was a state-owned corporation, it was also considered a Bumiputra enterprise. However, the government has been criticised for this practice, as it is argued nationalised corporations belong to the public at large, and not only to the Bumiputra.
隨着政府的重建政策生效，從1970年起馬來人受僱於礦業的人數飆升。在馬來西亞第二次五年計劃開始時，在礦產行業被僱傭的馬來人不足20萬。到1990年，他們的數量接近一百萬，遠遠超過了預期人數。為馬來人預留採礦業執照是為了增加他們經營礦產的所有權水平。政府通過將一些以前外國的礦產公司國有化來提升馬來人的所有權水平—到1989年，國有企業控制了60％的礦產行業。這也得益於石油在礦產業佔據首要地位—因為馬來西亞國家石油公司是國有企業，它也被認為是馬來人的企業。然而，政府的這一舉動也備受爭議，因為有人說國有化的公司屬於公眾，不僅僅屬於馬來人。
農業[編輯]
The Second Malaysia Plan continued the initiatives that previous five year plans, such as the First Malayan Five Year Plan, had taken. Although expenditure on other development increased substantially, by about M$1 million, funding for rural development was also increased. The Second Malaysia Plan focused on diversifying crops grown in Malaysia;the 1974 Green Book Program aimed to make Malaysia self-sufficient in food production by encouraging farmers to grow vegetables, such as long beans, chilies, etc., and rear livestock—the Veterinary Department going as far as to distribute cattle.Fertilisers, seedlings, insecticides and herbicides were subsidised. Double-cropping of rice was encouraged, so farmers could harvest twice in one year and effectively double their output. The Farmers' Organization Authority was established in 1973 with the goal of coordinating agricultural cooperatives, farmers' associations, and government agricultural agencies.
馬來政府的第二個五年計劃，它延續了之前五年計劃，如第一個五年計劃，所定下的基本理念和思路。其它開發的支出大幅上漲了約1百萬馬幣，而農村建設資金也有所增加。這一計劃致力於實現馬來西亞農作物收成的多元化增長；1974年綠皮書計劃目的是使馬來西亞在糧食生產上自給自足，它鼓勵農民種植蔬菜，例如豆角，辣椒，等等，鼓勵放養牲畜-家畜衛生部竟然派發了家畜。政府會補貼化肥，籽苗，殺蟲劑和除草劑。由於鼓勵稻穀雙作制，因此農民可以一年收穫兩次，有效地增加了糧食產量。1973年成立的「農民官方機構「以協調農業合作、農民聯盟和政府農業機構為己任。
Growth in small-scale agriculture was viewed as crucial to creating jobs and reducing rural poverty, and government agencies such as FELDA (the Federal Land Development Authority) vastly increased the scope and size of their development programs. RISDA (the Rubber Industries Smallholder Development Agency) was given the task of diversifying smallholder estates; RISDA set itself the ambitious goal of developing 150,000 acres (610 km2) during the Second Malaysia Plan. The main aim was to diversify into palm oil through the planting of oil palms. The Malaysian economy relied heavily on rubber at the time—at its peak, Malaya (Peninsular Malaysia) alone produced more than half of the world's rubber.However, the Great Depression, which depressed rubber prices, greatly set back the Malayan economy. The Malaysian government thus aimed to avert another incident by diversifying the agriculture sector. However, RISDA overreached itself in attempting to so quickly reappropriate land; by the end of the Second Malaysia Plan, only 40,000 acres (160 km2) had been developed, with only half this number comprising oil palm estates.
小規模農業的增長被視為創造就業機會和減少農村貧困的關鍵，一些政府部門如聯邦土地發展局大大增加了他們發展項目的範圍和規模。RISDA（橡膠業小園主發展局）的任務是使小園主的種植園多樣化。RISDA計劃在五年內實現開發15萬畝（即610平方公里）橡膠園的宏偉目標。這一措施的主要目的是通過種植油棕櫚樹使棕櫚油產業多樣化。當時，在橡膠業發展的高峰時期，馬來西亞經濟極為依賴橡膠生產----僅馬來西亞半島生產的橡膠就佔全世界所產橡膠的一半以上。然而，經濟大蕭條壓低了橡膠的價格，嚴重阻礙了馬來西亞的經濟發展。因此馬來西亞政府旨在通過農業多樣化來避免此類事情的再次發生。但是RISDA在重新調整土地方面太過激進，以至於到第二個五年計劃的最後階段也只有4萬畝（即160平方公里）的橡膠園得到開發，這其中只有一半是油棕櫚樹種植園。
The land development and resettlement policies instituted by the government, however, failed to make an impact on rural poverty. The government managed to resettle only 40,000 people, despite an estimated 535,000 families engaged in agriculture living below the poverty level. Due to inefficiencies in the program, the beneficiaries of resettlement and development were not always those with the greatest need.It was also alleged by some that there had been too much emphasis on the difficult process of resettlement and development of new areas, instead of increasing productivity in existing farms. Matters were complicated by the Constitution, which gave the states much control over land development, and thus requiring the federal government to negotiate with individual state governments. Non-Malay rural families also did not benefit much due to this, as the Constitution reserved portions of land for the Malays, and state governments were not anxious to receive destitute non-Malays.
政府設立了土地發展和移民安置政策，但農村的貧窮卻沒有得到改善。政府只安置了4萬人，而處於貧困線以下的農村家庭預計達53.5萬家。由於項目的效率較低，安置和發展的受益者不總是那些最需要的人。據一些人聲稱，目前過多強調的是再安置以及開發新領域的困難，而不是提高現有農業生產力。由於憲法的緣故，有些問題變得很複雜，例如憲法給予州很多控制土地發展的權利，所以這就使得聯邦政府不得不與各個州政府進行協商。由於這個原因，非馬來西亞農村家庭也未能從這些政策中受益，因為憲法為馬來本土居民保留了一部分土地，而州政府也不希望接納非馬來貧民。
Although the Second Malaysia Plan greatly modernised the "rice bowl" states of Kedah and Perlis—virtually eliminating the water buffalo by replacing it with tractors—most smallholders and individual farmers did not benefit technology-wise. In the corporate agriculture sector, the Malays held only a 0.3% stake, as opposed to 70.8% held by foreign interests. In the noncorporate sector, the Malays held 47.1%. Due to limited capital, many Malays were still engaged in "lower productivity activities" as the Second Malaysia Plan ended.
儘管第二個馬來西亞計劃加快了有「飯碗」之稱的吉打州和玻璃市的現代化進程—實際上是用拖拉機代替了水牛—而大多數的小農戶和個體農戶沒有從現代科技中受益。與外資持有的70.8％的股份相比，馬來人在合資農業部門中只持有0.3％的股份。由於有限的資本，許多馬來人在第二次馬來計劃結束時仍從事着「生產效率低下的活動」。
健康[編輯]
The Second Malaysia Plan continued past initiatives in raising nutritional levels through a number of programs. These included incentives to grow nutritious food, instruction in nutrition and menu planning, and provision of food for groups with the highest rates of malnutrition. However, these programs were hindered by a lack of trained medical personnel. 第二次馬來西亞計劃繼續着以前的計劃，即通過一些項目來提高人們的營養水平。這些項目包括鼓勵生產有營養食物，教授營養和食物搭配方法，向最缺乏營養的人群提供食物。然後，這些項目因缺乏訓練有素的醫療人員而受到阻礙。
Although family planning was established as a national goal in 1964, efforts during the Second Malaysia Plan to promote it were hampered by government neglect. Much of the success achieved by the National Family Planning Board occurred during the years of the First Malaysia Plan (1966–1970). The Second Malaysia Plan hoped to add 600,000 new users of family planning techniques, but the facilities and personnel provided were inadequate. The topic was viewed as rather sensitive by the government, and thus family planning was mostly ignored. Ironically, in 1984 Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad effectively eliminated family planning as a government policy by announcing the National Population Policy, which targeted a 70 million population by 2100—up from 12.6 million in 1984.
儘管在1964年把計劃生育作為一個全國性目標，但政府的無視使第二次馬來西亞計劃為促進計劃生育而做出的努力付諸東流。國家計劃生育委員會在第一次馬來西亞計劃（1966-1970）期間取得了大部分的勝利。第二次馬來西亞計劃希望在計劃生育中增加60萬新用戶，但提供的設施和人員不足。政府認為這個話題相對敏感，因此計劃生育被忽視了。可笑的是，1984年馬來西亞總理馬哈蒂爾通過公佈國家人口政策而有效地將計劃生育從政府政策中除名。國家人口政策計劃人口數量從1984的126萬人增加到2100年的7000萬人。
教育[編輯]
Although education was mostly sidelined in favour of socieconomic restructuring programs during the Second Malaysia Plan, some important initiatives were taken during its tenure. In 1970, Malay, the national language, became the major medium of instruction from primary to tertiary level, replacingEnglish. British standardised examinations were replaced with local ones, and new Malay-language textbooks were introduced. By the end of the plan, most formerly English-based schools had converted the first four years of instruction entirely to the new Malay-medium curriculum.
儘管在馬來西亞第二個五年計劃實施期間，教育出於支持社會經濟改革的目的而基本處於邊緣化了，但政府仍然採取了一些重要行動來規範教育。1970年，馬來語作為官方語言，取代英語成為小學至大學階段的教學用語。英國統一標準考試由本國統一標準考試所取代，採用新馬來語教科書。 在計劃結束之際 ，大多數原來用英語教學的學校已經將前四年教育徹底轉變成為新馬來語教學課程。
In 1973, the Curriculum Development Centre was established. Its goal was to coordinate projects to reform the curriculum that had previously been handled by varying government departments. It also began revamping the curriculum for science and mathematics , and began a new program to review the various social science curricula.
1973年課程發展中心成立。它的目標是協調項目改良以前被不同政府部門控制的課程。它還開始改進科學和數學方面的課程，並開始了一個審查不同社會科學課程的新項目。
The Second Malaysia Plan also hoped to increase the availability of vocational and technical training. Despite some attempts, little progress was made in improving the curriculum, which focused on providing a general education and made little room for vocational or technical training. Several new technical and vocational schools were built under the Second Malaysia Plan, with seven institutions alone completed in 1975. It was hoped this would alleviate the problem of unemployment, especially among the youth.
馬來西亞第二個五年計劃還希望提高職業技術訓練的實用性。儘管進行了一些嘗試，但在改善課程體系方面幾乎沒有取得任何進步，課程體系依舊專注於提供普通教育，職業技術訓練發展空間受限。實行該計劃期間建立了幾個新型技術職業學校，其中1975年完工的就有七個院系。政府希望這項措施能夠減輕失業問題，尤其是青年失業問題。
交通運輸[編輯]
The Second Malaysia Plan aimed to modernise Malaysian railroads, which the government regarded as crucial to development and industry. All trains were converted to use the more efficient diesel fuel, and the government increased allocations for maintenance and modernisation of the rail infrastructure. In particular, emphasis was placed on upgrading existing rolling stock, roadbeds, and repair facilities.
第二次馬來西亞計劃旨在實現馬來西亞的鐵路現代化，政府認為這對工業和發展來講至關重要。所有列車都經過改裝，能高效利用柴油，而且政府對鐵路基礎設施的維護和現代化建設增加了撥款。特別強調要升級現有車輛，路基和維修設施。
Air service was expanded under the plan, which paid for the purchase of all-weather and night traffic control equipment, as well as the training of staff to handle the equipment. The Second Malaysia Plan also saw Malaysia-Singapore Airlines split into the Malaysia Airline System (MAS) and Singapore Airlines(SIA).
根據計劃，準備擴大航空服務，購置全天候和夜間交通控制設備，而且要對掌握設備的員工進行培訓。第二次馬來西亞計劃期間馬來西亞-新加坡航空劃分成馬來西亞航空系統和新加坡航空。
The Second Malaysia Plan also saw the introduction of containerisation in Malaysia to better facilitate transportation. The plan called for the establishment of a national haulage company to handle inland transport; in August 1971, Kontena Nasional Berhad (National Containers Limited) was established by the government. In December, M.V. Benavon became the first container vessel to dock in Malaysia, at the North Terminal of Port Klang in Selangor.
馬來西亞第二次五年計劃引進了集裝箱運輸，很好地促進了交通運輸。該計劃呼籲建立國際運輸公司處理內陸運輸；1971年8月，政府建立了國家集裝箱運輸公司。12月， M.V. Benavon成為停靠在馬來西亞碼頭的第一艘集裝箱船，他們的停靠地點是雪萊莪州的巴生港北端。
At the time of the Second Malaysia Plan, there were only two sea ports in Malaysia; one in Penang, and one in Klang. The plan called for the construction of two new ports, both in peninsular Malaysia; one would be in Johor, and another would be in Kuantan, a major town in Pahang. The two main objectives of these projects were to meet increasing demand for sea transportation of freight, and to bring development to underdeveloped states. Johor Port was completed in 1977, while Kuantan Port began full operations in 1984.
實施馬來西亞第二次五年計劃之時，馬來西亞只有兩個港口；一個在檳榔嶼，一個在巴生。計劃呼籲建立兩個新的港口，兩個都位於馬來西亞半島。一個在柔佛，另一個在關丹縣，彭亨的主要城市。這兩個港口的目標是為了滿足不斷增長的海上運輸需求，推動欠發達地區的發展。1977年柔佛港口建成，1984年關丹縣港開始全面運營。
後續影響[編輯]
At the end of the Second Malaysia Plan, the poverty rate was found to have declined from 49% to 43%. Unemployment improved slightly, decreasing from 7.5% to 7.4%. Great strides were made in increasing Bumiputra involvement in the private sector, however; the employment rate of Bumiputra in the manufacturing sector increased from 29% to 33%, and from 24% to 34% in the commercial sector. Bumiputra equity ownership more than doubled from 3% to 7.8%.
在馬來西亞第二次五年計劃結束之時，貧困率從49％下降到43％。失業率略有改善，從7.5％下降到7.4％。然而馬來人參與私有企業的人數在不斷增加，馬來人在製造業的從業率從29％增加到33％，在商業部門的從業率從24％增加到34％。馬來人的股權從3％增加到7.8％，增長超過兩倍。
However, this was considered unsatisfactory by many, especially as much of the progress had been made by government enterprises holding the equity in trust. Although the plan had initially targeted a GDP growth rate of 12.5% a year, only an average of 11% was managed. The growth was extremely uneven; while in 1973 GDP grew by 27%, in 1975, it grew a paltry 3% due to the global recession at the time.
然而，許多人對此表示不滿，令人們尤為不滿的是是政府在信託中持有的股份增多。儘管計劃最初預計GDP的年增長率為12.5％，但是GDP的實際增長量為年均11％。增長極度不均勻；1973年GDP增長了27％，而1975年，由於全球經濟衰退，GDP增長率卻僅為3％。
Despite the government's efforts to tackle unemployment, creating 600,000 new jobs during the Second Malaysia Plan, the number of unemployed actually increased between 1970 and 1975; in 1970, there were 275,000 unemployed, but by 1975, the number stood at 324,000.
在馬來西亞第二次五年計劃中，儘管政府努力解決失業問題，創造了600000個新的就業機會，但實際上，1970年到1975年間，失業的人數卻增加了；1970年失業人數為275000人，但到1975年底，人數增加到324000人。
The Second Malaysia Plan was also forced to confront an unexpected problem: inflation. Between 1972 and 1975, the consumer price index (CPI) unexpectedly increased by 40%. In 1974, the inflation rate averaged 18%, although it was reduced to 7% by 1975. This new conundrum was therefore considered by the government when it set out the Third Malaysia Plan (1976–1980). 馬來西亞第二次五年計劃也被迫面臨一個意想不到的問題：通貨膨脹。1972年到1975年間，消費者價格指數出人意料的增長了40％。1974年平均通貨膨脹率曾高達18％，儘管在1975年下降到7％。因此在制定馬來西亞第三個五年計劃（1976-1980）時政府將這一因素考慮在內。
Another overarching consequence of the Second Malaysia Plan was its efforts in crop diversification. Despite RISDA failing to meet its targets, the palm oil industry in Malaysia continued to grow. By 1998, palm oil was the second-largest contributor towards Malaysia's GDP, second only to electronicsproducts.[46] 馬來西亞第二個五年計劃的另一個重要結果表現在其對作物多樣化做出的努力。儘管橡膠產業小農發展局沒有實現預期目標，但是馬來西亞棕櫚油產業繼續發展。1998年，棕櫚油成為對馬來西亞GDP貢獻最大的第二產業，僅次於電子產品。
Overall, the Second Malaysia Plan made much more substantial progress towards reducing the inequity in the economy than its predecessor had. However, the emphasis on improving the lot of the Malays greatly worried the non-Malays, and when the Third Malaysia Plan was launched, the government toned down its rhetoric on affirmative action and emphasised greater economic growth, which would benefit all.
總的來說，馬來西亞第二次五年計劃在減少經濟中的不平等方面比第一次五年計劃獲得了更實質性的進步。可是，過多強調提高馬來人的經濟份額使得非馬來人憂心忡忡，當第三次馬來西亞計劃推出之時，政府對反歧視運動言辭低調，轉而強調促進經濟進一步增長，這樣就使得受益者變為全體人民。
參見[編輯]
腳註[編輯]
- ^ Shuid, Mahdi & Yunus, Mohd. Fauzi (2001). Malaysian Studies, p. 85. Longman. ISBN 983-74-2024-3.
- ^ Henderson et al. 1977，第323頁.
- ^ Means 1991，第7–9頁.
- ^ Means 1991，第24頁.
- ^ Henderson et al. 1977，第294頁.
- ^ 6.0 6.1 Henderson, et al., p. 322.
- ^ Henderson, et al., pp. 323, 325.
- ^ Henderson, et al., p. 325.
- ^ Henderson, et al., pp. 331–332, 339.
參考文獻[編輯]
- Henderson, John William; Vreeland, Nena; Dana, Glenn B.; Hurwitz, Geoffrey B; Just, Peter; Moeller, Philip W.; Shinn, R.S. Area Handbook for Malaysia. Foreign Area Studies. Washington D.C.: American University. 1977. LCCN 77001294.
- Means, Gordon P. Malaysian Politics: The Second Generation. South-East Asian Social Science Monograp Series. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1991. ISBN 0-19-588988-6.
筆記[編輯]
- MIDA=大馬投資發展機構
- MARA=人民信託基金會／人民信託局
- PERNAS=國民企業公司
- SEDC=州經濟發展局
- UDA=城市發展局
- FELDA=聯邦土地發展局
- RISDA=橡膠小園主發展局
- Kontena Nasional Berhad=國家貨櫃有限公司
- Curriculum Development Centre=（教育部）課程發展中心