使用者:Ayitu/沙盒4

維基百科,自由的百科全書

早年生涯[編輯]

西蒙·德帕斯英語Van de Passe family約在1612年所刻制的的查爾斯與其父母的雕刻畫

查爾斯在1600年11月19日生於蘇格蘭法夫鄧弗姆林宮,是蘇格蘭國王詹姆斯六世與王后丹麥的安娜的次子[1]。同年12月23日,查爾斯於愛丁堡荷里路德修道院王家禮拜堂舉行的新教儀式上,受羅斯主教英語Bishop of Ross (Scotland)大衛·林賽英語David Lindsay (d. 1613)施洗,並獲冊封蘇格蘭國王次子的慣例頭銜——奧爾巴尼公爵英語Duke of Albany,同時也獲附帶頭銜——奧蒙德侯爵英語Earl of Ormond (Scottish)羅斯伯爵英語Earl of Ross和阿德蒙諾赫勳爵(Lord Ardmannoch)[2]

1603年3月,英格蘭女王伊莉莎白一世無嗣駕崩,詹姆斯六世作為其外甥孫而繼承了她的王位,成為英格蘭國王詹姆斯一世。同年四月至六月上旬,查爾斯的哥哥和姐姐跟隨著他們的父母前往英格蘭即位。然而查爾斯由於自小身體羸弱而無法承受長時間的路途勞頓[3],被留在了蘇格蘭,其父王任命時任蘇格蘭最高民事法院院長英語Lord President of the Court of Session的好友費維勳爵英語Alexander Seton, 1st Earl of Dunfermline擔任其監護人[4]

1604年,當三歲半的查爾斯可以在鄧弗姆林宮的大廳中獨自行走時,便開始了前往英格蘭的長途旅行。同年6月中旬,他離開了鄧弗姆林宮前往英格蘭與他的家人團聚,而在那裡他將度過以後的生活[5]。在英格蘭,查爾斯被交由當時朝臣羅伯特·凱里爵士英語Robert Carey, 1st Earl of Monmouth荷蘭出生的妻子凱里夫人伊莉莎白(Elizabeth, Lady Carey)教養,凱里夫人教給查爾斯如何說話,並且堅持讓他穿西班牙皮革和黃銅製成的靴子以幫助他脆弱的腳踝適應行走[6]。查爾斯的語言表達能力發育亦遲緩。因此在他的餘生中,保留著口吃或言語吞吐不清地毛病[7]

1605年1月,查爾斯獲冊封英格蘭君主次子的慣例頭銜——約克公爵,並成為了一位巴斯騎士[8]。一個長老宗蘇格蘭人托馬斯·穆雷英語Thomas Murray (provost of Eton)被任命擔任其導師[9]。查爾斯平日裡學習的是文學名著、語言、數學、宗教[10]。1611年,他被授予一枚嘉德勳章[11]

羅伯特·皮克英語Robert Peake the elder約在1610年所繪的約克及奧爾巴尼公爵查爾斯肖像

最終,查爾斯克服了可能由佝僂病引起的[6]身體缺陷[11],成為一名馬術能手、神槍手以及擊劍高手[10]。儘管如此,但其公眾形象[a]與他身材魁梧的兄長威爾斯親王亨利·弗雷德里克相比,仍然相形見絀。查爾斯也非常崇拜兄長亨利,並在各方面都極力地效仿他[12]。可是在1612年11月上旬,年僅十八歲的亨利疑似因患傷寒(或可能是卟啉症)病逝[13],距十二歲還差兩周的的查爾斯遂成為了王位的法定繼承人英語heir apparent。身為英倫三島最高統治者倖存的最年長的兒子,查爾斯自動獲得了好幾個頭銜(包括康沃爾公爵羅斯西公爵)。四周後,他在1616年11月獲冊封為威爾斯親王切斯特伯爵[14]

王位繼承人[編輯]

在1613年,他的姐姐伊莉莎白與普法爾茨選侯弗雷德里希五世結婚,並搬到了海德堡居住[15]。在1617年,天主教徒哈布斯堡奧地利的費迪南德大公當選為波希米亞國王。翌年,波希米亞反叛者將其信仰天主教的兩名大臣及一位書記官扔出窗外。1619年8月,適值費迪南德被御選英語imperial election神聖羅馬皇帝之時,波希米亞人節食英語Diet (assembly)推舉身為新教聯盟領袖的弗雷德里希五世為他們的國王。弗雷德里希不顧皇帝而接受波希米亞王冠標誌著最終發展成三十年戰爭的動亂的開始。起初,這場動亂衝突僅局限于波希米亞,隨後卻逐漸演變成一場大規模的歐洲戰爭。歐洲大陸上的天主教徒和新教徒迅速分化為兩極並開始了衝突,這給英格蘭國會與公眾留下了難以磨滅的印象[16]。1620年,查爾斯的姐夫弗雷德里希五世於布拉格附近的白山戰役中被擊敗,其世襲領地普法爾茨亦遭到了自西治尼德蘭英語Spanish Netherlands而來的哈布斯堡家族的武力侵襲英語Palatinate campaign[17]。然而,詹姆斯卻開始謀求費迪南德的侄女西班牙哈布斯堡家族的瑪麗亞公主同新威爾斯親王的婚姻,並意識到同西班牙王室聯姻英語Spanish match是可以實現歐洲和平的一種外交手段[18]

不幸的是,事實證明無論是公眾還是內閣都普遍不喜歡與西班牙的這種外交談判[19]。英國國會對西班牙及天主教徒持敵對態度,因此,國會在1621年向詹姆斯表決,議員希望執行不服國教英語recusancy法令,以此開展反西班牙海軍運動,並讓威爾斯親王同新教徒結婚[20]。與此同時,詹姆斯的大法官弗蘭西斯·培根被以受賄為名遭到了上議院的彈劾[21]。這是自1459年以來未有國王首肯,而是利用剝奪公民權議案英語Bill of Attainder展開的首次彈劾動議。這一事件成為了一個非常重要的先例,如這一彈劾動議過程,在後來被用以對付查爾斯及其支持者白金漢公爵大主教勞德以及斯特拉福德伯爵。詹姆士堅持認為,下議院英語House of Commons of England只能專注於國內事務。而下院議員們則抗議說他們在下院內有言論自由的特權,並要求向西班牙開戰以及給威爾斯親王娶一位信仰新教的威爾斯王妃[22]。查爾斯像他父親一樣,認為下議院討論他的婚姻大事是在盛氣凌人,並侵害了其父王的王家特權[23]。詹姆斯對他所體會到的魯莽無禮和毫不妥協的議員非常氣憤,並在1622年1月解散了國會[24]

丹尼爾·邁騰斯英語Daniel Mytens約在1623年為威爾斯親王查爾斯所作畫像

詹姆斯的寵臣白金漢公爵曾對身為威爾斯親王的查爾斯有著巨大的影響力[25],1623年1月,查爾斯同白金漢公爵微服前往西班牙,他們試圖為同西班牙王室長期懸而未決的聯姻達成協議[26]。可是,這趟西班牙之旅在最終成了一件令人尷尬的失敗[27]。公主認為查爾斯是個異教徒,他眅依羅馬天主教是西班牙同意聯姻的首要條件[28]。西班牙堅持要求英格蘭信仰天主教並廢除刑法,但查爾斯知道國會不會同意此要求。而在成婚後,公主也要在西班牙滯留一年,以確保英格蘭履行條約中所有的條款[29]。由於相互的誤解,白金漢公爵和西班牙首相奧利瓦雷斯伯爵之間發生了私人爭吵,最終致使查爾斯的這場協商成為徒勞[30]。查爾斯在10月返回倫敦,因為沒有帶來新娘而受到了如釋重負地群眾的熱切歡迎[31],隨即,他和白金漢公爵敦促厭戰的詹姆斯國王向西班牙宣戰[32]

詹姆斯在其新教顧問的鼓動下,在1624年召集國會以便獲取戰爭經費。因經費問題反戰的財務大臣米德爾塞伯爵萊昂內爾·克蘭菲爾德英語Lionel Cranfield, 1st Earl of Middlesex在查爾斯和白金漢公爵的策劃下,很快被以和培根幾近相同的方式彈劾[33]。詹姆斯說白金漢公爵是個傻瓜,並有先見地警告兒子說他會為這一彈劾動議的重新上演而感到後悔[34]。與此同時,恩斯特·馮曼斯費爾德英語Ernst von Mansfeld組建的一支軍備資金不足的臨時軍隊開始動身收復普法爾茨,但由於這支軍隊財匱力絀,從未超越荷蘭的海岸線[35]

1624年之後,詹姆斯一病不起,國會也變得愈發不受其控制。當詹姆斯在1625年3月駕崩時,查爾斯和白金漢公爵認為他們實際上已經掌控了整個王國[36]

初期統治[編輯]

隨著聯姻西班牙的失敗,查爾斯和白金漢公爵將注意力轉向了法蘭西[37]。在1625年5月1日,查爾斯同缺席的十五歲法蘭西公主亨利埃塔·瑪麗亞巴黎聖母院門外舉行了代行婚禮英語Proxy marriage[38]。他在從巴黎前往西班牙的途中,見到了亨利埃塔·瑪麗亞[39]。1625年6月13日,這對新人於坎特伯雷正式完婚。為防範任何異議於未然,查爾斯先發制人,將他首次國會開幕典禮推遲至第二次儀式完成後[40]。下議院多數議員因擔心國王會解除對天主教不服英國國教者的限制,從而削弱正式建立的英格蘭國教會,皆反對他迎娶一位羅馬天主教徒。儘管查爾斯信誓旦旦地向國會宣布保證不會放鬆宗教限制,但做的卻是他在一份秘密婚約中所答應法王路易十三的事[41]。此外,該婚約使英國海軍力量處於法蘭西的控制下,並將會用於壓制在拉羅歇爾地區活動的雨格諾新教派。查爾斯在1626年2月2日於威斯敏斯特教堂加冕英語Coronation of the British monarch,不過,其妻子因拒絕參加英國國教儀式而未在他身旁[42]

因為查爾斯支持一位具有爭議的反加爾文主義英語History of Calvinist-Arminian debate牧師——聲名狼藉的清教徒——理察·蒙塔古英語Richard Montagu,使人們對他的宗教政策的不信任感與日俱增[43]。蒙塔古在回應天主教小冊子《給新式福音的新口銜》(A New Gag for the New Gospel)的一本名為《給老鵝的新口銜》(A New Gag for an Old Goose (1624))的小冊子中,極力反對加爾文教派雙重預定論,並認為靈魂拯救罰入地獄英語damnation是上帝的教義。反加爾文主義者——被稱為阿民念教派——相信人類可以憑藉意志自由來支配自己的宿命[44]。阿民念主義神學家是查爾斯同西班牙王室聯姻為數不多的幾個支持來源之一[45]。蒙塔古在詹姆斯國王的支持下,在1625年老王駕崩新君即位後不久,臆造了另一本名為《上訴凱撒英語Richard Montagu》(Appello Caesarem)的小冊子。查爾斯為保護被國會清教徒議員苛責的蒙塔古而以他為王室隨軍牧師,這使得愈來愈多的清教徒懷疑查爾斯因在暗中嘗試幫助天主教復甦而青睞阿民念主義[46]

英國國會更喜歡用一種相對廉價的作戰方案,藉助海軍力量攻擊西班牙殖民地,並希望能夠捕獲西班牙珍寶船隊藉以補充軍費。而非是直接捲入歐洲大陸戰爭。儘管國會投票批准了總額為十四萬英鎊的戰爭經費,但這些錢對於查爾斯的戰爭計劃來說是遠遠不夠的[47]。此外,儘管自英格蘭國王亨利六世以來,國王都被授予終身徵收噸稅和磅稅英語tonnage and poundage(兩種關稅)的權利,但此次下議院卻限制批准王室徵收此兩種關稅的期限為一年[48]。國會可能以如此方式,將批准稅收的期限延遲至全面審視海關稅收之後[49]。不過該議案未在上議院過往首讀中有過任何進展[50]。儘管未有國會法案獲許查爾斯徵收噸稅和磅稅,但他還是繼續徵收稅款[51]

傑拉德·凡·洪特霍斯特英語Gerrit van Honthorst於1628年為查爾斯所繪肖像

A poorly conceived and executed naval expedition against Spain under the leadership of Buckingham went badly, and the House of Commons began proceedings for the impeachment of the duke.[52] In May 1626, Charles nominated Buckingham as Chancellor of Cambridge University in a show of support,[53] and had two members who had spoken against Buckingham – Dudley Digges and Sir John Eliot – arrested at the door of the House. The Commons was outraged by the imprisonment of two of their members, and after about a week in custody, both were released.[54] On 12 June 1626, the Commons launched a direct protestation attacking Buckingham, stating, "We protest before your Majesty and the whole world that until this great person be removed from intermeddling with the great affairs of state, we are out of hope of any good success; and do fear that any money we shall or can give will, through his misemployment, be turned rather to the hurt and prejudice of this your kingdom than otherwise, as by lamentable experience we have found those large supplies formerly and lately given."[55] Despite Parliament's protests, however, Charles refused to dismiss his friend, dismissing Parliament instead.[56]

Meanwhile, domestic quarrels between Charles and Henrietta Maria were souring the early years of their marriage. Disputes over her jointure, appointments to her household, and the practice of her religion culminated in the king expelling the vast majority of her French attendants in August 1626.[57] Despite Charles's agreement to provide the French with English ships as a condition of marrying Henrietta Maria, in 1627 he launched an attack on the French coast to defend the Huguenots at La Rochelle.[58] The action, led by Buckingham, was ultimately unsuccessful. Buckingham's failure to protect the Huguenots – and his retreat from Saint-Martin-de-Ré – spurred Louis XIII's siege of La Rochelle and furthered the English Parliament's and people's detestation of the duke.[59]

Charles provoked further unrest by trying to raise money for the war through a "forced loan": a tax levied without parliamentary consent. In November 1627, the test case in the King's Bench, the "Five Knights' Case", found that the king had a prerogative right to imprison without trial those who refused to pay the forced loan.[60] Summoned again in March 1628, on 26 May Parliament adopted a Petition of Right, calling upon the king to acknowledge that he could not levy taxes without Parliament's consent, not impose martial law on civilians, not imprison them without due process, and not quarter troops in their homes.[61] Charles assented to the petition on 7 June,[62] but by the end of the month he had prorogued Parliament and re-asserted his right to collect customs duties without authorisation from Parliament.[63]

On 23 August 1628, Buckingham was assassinated.[64] Charles was deeply distressed. According to Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon, he "threw himself upon his bed, lamenting with much passion and with abundance of tears".[65] He remained grieving in his room for two days.[66] In contrast, the public rejoiced at Buckingham's death, which accentuated the gulf between the court and the nation, and between the Crown and the Commons.[67] Although the death of Buckingham effectively ended the war with Spain and eliminated his leadership as an issue, it did not end the conflicts between Charles and Parliament.[68] It did, however, coincide with an improvement in Charles's relationship with his wife, and by November 1628 their old quarrels were at an end.[69] Perhaps Charles's emotional ties were transferred from Buckingham to Henrietta Maria.[70] She became pregnant for the first time, and the bond between them grew ever stronger.[71] Together, they embodied an image of virtue and family life, and their court became a model of formality and morality.[72]

Personal rule[編輯]

Parliament prorogued[編輯]

Charles depicted as a victorious and chivalrous Saint George in an English landscape by Rubens, 1629–30.[b]

In January 1629 Charles opened the second session of the English Parliament, which had been prorogued in June 1628, with a moderate speech on the tonnage and poundage issue.[76] Members of the House of Commons began to voice opposition to Charles's policies in light of the case of John Rolle, a Member of Parliament whose goods had been confiscated for failing to pay tonnage and poundage.[77] Many MPs viewed the imposition of the tax as a breach of the Petition of Right. When Charles ordered a parliamentary adjournment on 2 March,[78] members held the Speaker, Sir John Finch, down in his chair so that the ending of the session could be delayed long enough for resolutions against Catholicism, Arminianism and tonnage and poundage to be read out and acclaimed by the chamber.[79] The provocation was too much for Charles, who dissolved Parliament and had nine parliamentary leaders, including Sir John Eliot, imprisoned over the matter,[80] thereby turning the men into martyrs,[81] and giving popular cause to their protest.[82]

Shortly after the prorogation, without the means in the foreseeable future to raise funds from Parliament for a European war, or the influence of Buckingham, Charles made peace with France and Spain.[83] The following eleven years, during which Charles ruled England without a Parliament, are referred to as the personal rule or the "eleven years' tyranny".[84] Ruling without Parliament was not exceptional, and was supported by precedent.[c] Only Parliament, however, could legally raise taxes, and without it Charles's capacity to acquire funds for his treasury was limited to his customary rights and prerogatives.[86]

Finances[編輯]

Sixpence of Charles I

A large fiscal deficit had arisen in the reigns of Elizabeth I and James I.[87] Notwithstanding Buckingham's short lived campaigns against both Spain and France, there was little financial capacity for Charles to wage wars overseas. Throughout his reign Charles was obliged to rely primarily on volunteer forces for defence and on diplomatic efforts to support his sister, Elizabeth, and his foreign policy objective for the restoration of the Palatinate.[88] England was still the least taxed country in Europe, with no official excise and no regular direct taxation.[89] To raise revenue without reconvening Parliament, Charles resurrected an all-but-forgotten law called the "Distraint of Knighthood", in abeyance for over a century, which required any man who earned £40 or more from land each year to present himself at the king's coronation to be knighted. Relying on this old statute, Charles fined individuals who had failed to attend his coronation in 1626.[90][d]

The chief tax imposed by Charles was a feudal levy known as ship money,[92] which proved even more unpopular, and lucrative, than poundage and tonnage before it. Previously, collection of ship money had been authorised only during wars, and only on coastal regions. Charles, however, argued that there was no legal bar to collecting the tax for defence during peacetime and throughout the whole of the kingdom. Ship money, paid directly to the Treasury of the Navy, provided between £150,000 to £200,000 annually between 1634 and 1638, after which yields declined.[93] Opposition to ship money steadily grew, but the 12 common law judges of England declared that the tax was within the king's prerogative, though some of them had reservations.[94] The prosecution of John Hampden for non-payment in 1637–38 provided a platform for popular protest, and the judges only found against Hampden by the narrow margin of 7–5.[95]

The king also derived money through the granting of monopolies, despite a statute forbidding such action, which, though inefficient, raised an estimated £100,000 a year in the late 1630s.[96][e] Charles also raised funds from the Scottish nobility, at the price of considerable acrimony, by the Act of Revocation (1625), whereby all gifts of royal or church land made to the nobility since 1540 were revoked, with continued ownership being subject to an annual rent.[98] In addition, the boundaries of the royal forests in England were extended to their ancient limits as part of a scheme to maximise income by exploiting the land and fining land users within the re-asserted boundaries for encroachment.[99]

Religious conflicts[編輯]

Charles I with M. de St Antoine by Anthony van Dyck, 1633

Throughout Charles's reign, the issue of how far the English Reformation should progress was constantly brought to the forefront of political debate. Arminian theology emphasised clerical authority and the individual's ability to reject or accept salvation, and was consequently viewed as heretical and a potential vehicle for the reintroduction of Roman Catholicism by its Calvinist opponents. Charles's sympathy to the teachings of Arminianism, and specifically his wish to move the Church of England away from Calvinism in a more traditional and sacramental direction, were perceived by Puritans as irreligious tendencies.[100] In addition, Charles's subjects followed news of the European war closely[101] and grew increasingly dismayed by Charles's diplomacy with Spain and his failure to support the Protestant cause abroad effectively.[102]

In 1633, Charles appointed William Laud as Archbishop of Canterbury.[103] Together, they began a series of anti-Calvinist reforms that attempted to ensure religious uniformity by restricting non-conformist preachers, insisting that the liturgy be celebrated as prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer, organising the internal architecture of English churches so as to emphasise the sacrament of the altar, and re-issuing King James's Declaration of Sports, which permitted secular activities on the sabbath.[104] The Feoffees for Impropriations, an organisation that bought benefices and advowsons so that Puritans could be appointed to them, was dissolved.[105] To prosecute those who opposed his reforms, Laud used the two most powerful courts in the land, the Court of High Commission and the Court of Star Chamber.[106] The courts became feared for their censorship of opposing religious views, and became unpopular among the propertied classes for inflicting degrading punishments on gentlemen.[107] For example, in 1637 William Prynne, Henry Burton and John Bastwick were pilloried, whipped and mutilated by cropping and imprisoned indefinitely for publishing anti-episcopal pamphlets.[108]

Charles I in Three Positions by Anthony van Dyck, 1635–36

When Charles attempted to impose his religious policies in Scotland he faced numerous difficulties. Although born in Scotland, Charles had become estranged from his northern kingdom; his first visit since early childhood was for his Scottish coronation in 1633.[109] To the dismay of the Scots, who had removed many traditional rituals from their liturgical practice, Charles insisted that the coronation be conducted in the Anglican rite.[110] In 1637, the king ordered the use of a new prayer book in Scotland that was almost identical to the English Book of Common Prayer, without consulting either the Scottish Parliament or the Kirk.[111] Although written, under Charles's direction, by Scottish bishops, many Scots resisted it, seeing the new prayer book as a vehicle for introducing Anglicanism to Scotland.[112] On 23 July, riots erupted in Edinburgh upon the first Sunday of the prayer book's usage, and unrest spread throughout the Kirk. The public began to mobilise around a re-affirmation of the National Covenant, whose signatories pledged to uphold the reformed religion of Scotland and reject any innovations that were not authorised by Kirk and Parliament.[113] When the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland met in November 1638, it condemned the new prayer book, abolished episcopal church government by bishops, and adopted Presbyterian government by elders and deacons.[114]

Bishops' Wars[編輯]

Charles perceived the unrest in Scotland as a rebellion against his authority, precipitating the First Bishops' War in 1639.[115] Charles did not seek subsidies from the English Parliament to wage war, but instead raised an army without parliamentary aid and marched to Berwick-upon-Tweed, on the border of Scotland.[116] Charles's army did not engage the Covenanters as the king feared the defeat of his forces, whom he believed to be significantly outnumbered by the Scots.[117] In the Treaty of Berwick, Charles regained custody of his Scottish fortresses and secured the dissolution of the Covenanters' interim government, albeit at the decisive concession that both the Scottish Parliament and General Assembly of the Scottish Church were called.[118]

Charles's military failure in the First Bishops' War caused a financial and diplomatic crisis for Charles that deepened when his efforts to raise finance from Spain, while simultaneously continuing his support for his Palatine relatives, led to the public humiliation of the Battle of the Downs, where the Dutch destroyed a Spanish bullion fleet off the coast of Kent in sight of the impotent English navy.[119]

Charles continued peace negotiations with the Scots in a bid to gain time before launching a new military campaign. Because of his financial weakness, he was forced to call Parliament into session in an attempt to raise funds for such a venture.[120] Both English and Irish parliaments were summoned in the early months of 1640.[121] In March 1640, the Irish Parliament duly voted in a subsidy of £180,000 with the promise to raise an army 9,000 strong by the end of May.[121] In the English general election in March, however, court candidates fared badly,[122] and Charles's dealings with the English Parliament in April quickly reached stalemate.[123] The earls of Northumberland and Strafford attempted to broker a compromise whereby the king would agree to forfeit ship money in exchange for £650,000 (although the cost of the coming war was estimated at around £1 million).[124] Nevertheless, this alone was insufficient to produce consensus in the Commons.[125] The Parliamentarians' calls for further reforms were ignored by Charles, who still retained the support of the House of Lords. Despite the protests of Northumberland,[126] the Short Parliament (as it came to be known) was dissolved in May 1640, less than a month after it assembled.[127]

The Earl of Strafford (left) and William Laud (right): two of Charles's most influential advisors during the personal rule[128]

By this stage Strafford, Lord Deputy of Ireland since 1632,[129] had emerged as Charles's right hand man and together with Laud, pursued a policy of "Thorough" that aimed to make central royal authority more efficient and effective at the expense of local or anti-government interests.[130] Although originally a critic of the king, Strafford defected to royal service in 1628 (due in part to Buckingham's persuasion),[131] and had since emerged, alongside Laud, as the most influential of Charles's ministers.[132]

Bolstered by the failure of the English Short Parliament, the Scottish Parliament declared itself capable of governing without the king's consent and, in August 1640, the Covenanter army moved into the English county of Northumberland.[133] Following the illness of the earl of Northumberland, who was the king's commander-in-chief, Charles and Strafford went north to command the English forces, despite Strafford being ill himself with a combination of gout and dysentery.[134] The Scottish soldiery, many of whom were veterans of the Thirty Years' War,[135] had far greater morale and training compared to their English counterparts, and met virtually no resistance until reaching Newcastle upon Tyne where, at the Battle of Newburn, they defeated the English forces and occupied the city, as well as the neighbouring county of Durham.[136]

As demands for a parliament grew,[137] Charles took the unusual step of summoning a great council of peers. By the time it met, on 24 September at York, Charles had resolved to follow the almost universal advice to call a parliament. After informing the peers that a parliament would convene in November, he asked them to consider how he could acquire funds to maintain his army against the Scots in the meantime. They recommended making peace.[138] A cessation of arms, although not a final settlement, was negotiated in the humiliating Treaty of Ripon, signed in October 1640.[139] The treaty stated that the Scots would continue to occupy Northumberland and Durham and be paid £850 per day, until peace was restored and the English Parliament recalled, which would be required to raise sufficient funds to pay the Scottish forces.[140]

Consequently, in November Charles summoned what later became known as the Long Parliament. Once again, Charles's supporters fared badly at the polls. Of the 493 members of the Commons, over 350 were opposed to the king.[141]

Long Parliament[編輯]

Tensions escalate[編輯]

The Long Parliament proved just as difficult for Charles as had the Short Parliament. It assembled on 3 November 1640 and quickly began proceedings to impeach the king's leading counsellors of high treason.[142] Strafford was taken into custody on 10 November; Laud was impeached on 18 December; Lord Keeper Finch was impeached the following day, and he consequently fled to the Hague with Charles's permission on 21 December.[143] To prevent the king from dissolving it at will, Parliament passed the Triennial Act, which required Parliament to be summoned at least once every three years, and permitted the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal and 12 peers to summon Parliament if the king failed to do so.[144] The Act was coupled with a subsidy bill, and so to secure the latter, Charles grudgingly granted royal assent in February 1641.[145]

Strafford had become the principal target of the Parliamentarians, particularly John Pym, and he went on trial for high treason on 22 March 1641.[146] However, the key allegation by Sir Henry Vane that Strafford had threatened to use the Irish army to subdue England was not corroborated and on 10 April Pym's case collapsed.[147] Pym and his allies immediately launched a bill of attainder, which simply declared Strafford guilty and pronounced the sentence of death.[148]

Charles assured Strafford that "upon the word of a king you shall not suffer in life, honour or fortune",[149] and the attainder could not succeed if Charles withheld assent.[150] Furthermore, many members and most peers were opposed to the attainder, not wishing, in the words of one, to "commit murder with the sword of justice".[151] However, increased tensions and an attempted coup by royalist army officers in support of Strafford and in which Charles was involved began to sway the issue.[152] The Commons passed the bill on 20 April by a large margin (204 in favour, 59 opposed, and 230 abstained), and the Lords acquiesced (by 26 votes to 19, with 79 absent) in May.[153] Charles, fearing for the safety of his family in the face of unrest, assented reluctantly on 9 May after consulting his judges and bishops.[154] Strafford was beheaded three days later.[155]

On 3 May, Parliament's Protestation had attacked the "wicked counsels" of Charles's "arbitrary and tyrannical government"; while those who signed the petition undertook to defend the king's "person, honour and estate", they also swore to preserve "the true reformed religion", parliament, and the "rights and liberties of the subjects".[156] Within a week, Charles had assented to an unprecedented Act, which forbade the dissolution of the English Parliament without Parliament's consent.[157] In the following months, ship money, fines in distraint of knighthood and excise without parliamentary consent were declared unlawful, and the Courts of Star Chamber and High Commission were abolished.[158] All remaining forms of taxation were legalised and regulated by the Tonnage and Poundage Act.[159] The House of Commons also launched bills attacking bishops and episcopacy, but these failed in the Lords.[160]

Charles had made important concessions in England, and temporarily improved his position in Scotland by securing the favour of the Scots on a visit from August to November 1641 during which he conceded to the official establishment of Presbyterianism.[161] However, following an attempted royalist coup in Scotland, known as "The Incident", Charles's credibility was significantly undermined.[162]

Irish rebellion[編輯]

In Ireland, the population was split into three main socio-political groups: the Gaelic Irish, who were Catholic; the Old English, who were descended from medieval Normans and were also predominantly Catholic; and the New English, who were Protestant settlers from England and Scotland aligned with the English Parliament and the Covenanters. Strafford's administration had improved the Irish economy and boosted tax revenue, but had done so by heavy-handedly imposing order.[163] He had trained up a large Catholic army in support of the king and had weakened the authority of the Irish Parliament,[164] while continuing to confiscate land from Catholics for Protestant settlement at the same time as promoting a Laudian Anglicanism that was anathema to Presbyterians.[165] As a result, all three groups had become disaffected.[166] Strafford's impeachment provided a new departure for Irish politics whereby all sides joined together to present evidence against him.[167] In a similar manner to the English Parliament, the Old English members of the Irish Parliament argued that while opposed to Strafford they remained loyal to Charles. They argued that the king had been led astray by malign counsellors,[168] and that, moreover, a viceroy such as Strafford could emerge as a despotic figure instead of ensuring that the king was directly involved in governance.[169] Strafford's fall from power weakened Charles's influence in Ireland.[170] The dissolution of the Irish army was unsuccessfully demanded three times by the English Commons during Strafford's imprisonment,[156] until Charles was eventually forced through lack of money to disband the army at the end of Strafford's trial.[171] Disputes concerning the transfer of land ownership from native Catholic to settler Protestant,[172] particularly in relation to the plantation of Ulster,[173] coupled with resentment at moves to ensure the Irish Parliament was subordinate to the Parliament of England,[174] sowed the seeds of rebellion. When armed conflict arose between the Gaelic Irish and New English, in late October 1641, the Old English sided with the Gaelic Irish while simultaneously professing their loyalty to the king.[175]

In November 1641, the House of Commons passed the Grand Remonstrance, a long list of grievances against actions by Charles's ministers committed since the beginning of his reign (that were asserted to be part of a grand Catholic conspiracy of which the king was an unwitting member),[176] but it was in many ways a step too far by Pym and passed by only 11 votes – 159 to 148.[177] Furthermore, the Remonstrance had very little support in the House of Lords, which the Remonstrance attacked.[178] The tension was heightened by news of the Irish rebellion, coupled with inaccurate rumours of Charles's complicity.[179] Throughout November, a series of alarmist pamphlets published stories of atrocities in Ireland,[180] which included massacres of New English settlers by the native Irish who could not be controlled by the Old English lords.[181] Rumours of "papist" conspiracies in England circulated the kingdom,[182] and English anti-Catholic opinion was strengthened, damaging Charles's reputation and authority.[183]

Henrietta Maria by Sir Anthony van Dyck, 1632

The English Parliament distrusted Charles's motivations when he called for funds to put down the Irish rebellion; many members of the Commons suspected that forces raised by Charles might later be used against Parliament itself.[184] Pym's Militia Bill was intended to wrest control of the army from the king, but it did not have the support of the Lords, let alone Charles.[185] Instead, the Commons passed the bill as an ordinance, which they claimed did not require royal assent.[186] The Militia Ordinance appears to have prompted more members of the Lords to support the king.[187] In an attempt to strengthen his position, Charles generated great antipathy in London, which was already fast falling into anarchy, when he placed the Tower of London under the command of Colonel Thomas Lunsford, an infamous, albeit efficient, career officer.[188] When rumours reached Charles that Parliament intended to impeach his wife for supposedly conspiring with the Irish rebels, the king decided to take drastic action.[189]

Five members[編輯]

Charles suspected, probably correctly, that some members of the English Parliament had colluded with the invading Scots.[190] On 3 January, Charles directed Parliament to give up five members of the Commons – Pym, John Hampden, Denzil Holles, William Strode and Sir Arthur Haselrig – and one peer – Lord Mandeville – on the grounds of high treason.[191] When Parliament refused, it was possibly Henrietta Maria who persuaded Charles to arrest the five members by force, which Charles intended to carry out personally.[192] However, news of the warrant reached Parliament ahead of him, and the wanted men slipped away by boat shortly before Charles entered the House of Commons with an armed guard on 4 January 1642.[193] Having displaced the Speaker, William Lenthall, from his chair, the king asked him where the MPs had fled. Lenthall, on his knees,[194] famously replied, "May it please your Majesty, I have neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak in this place but as the House is pleased to direct me, whose servant I am here."[195] Charles abjectly declared "all my birds have flown", and was forced to retire, empty-handed.[196]

The botched arrest attempt was politically disastrous for Charles.[197] No English sovereign had ever entered the House of Commons, and his unprecedented invasion of the chamber to arrest its members was considered a grave breach of parliamentary privilege.[198] In one stroke Charles destroyed his supporters' efforts to portray him as a defence against innovation and disorder.[199]

Parliament quickly seized London, and Charles fled the capital for Hampton Court Palace on 10 January 1642,[200] moving two days later to Windsor Castle.[201] After sending his wife and eldest daughter to safety abroad in February, he travelled northwards, hoping to seize the military arsenal at Hull.[202] To his dismay, he was rebuffed by the town's Parliamentary governor, Sir John Hotham, who refused him entry in April, and Charles was forced to withdraw.[203]

English Civil War[編輯]

A nineteenth-century painting depicting Charles (centre in blue sash) before the battle of Edgehill, 1642

In mid-1642, both sides began to arm. Charles raised an army using the medieval method of commission of array, and Parliament called for volunteers for its militia.[204] Following futile negotiations, Charles raised the royal standard in Nottingham on 22 August 1642.[205] At the start of the First English Civil War, Charles's forces controlled roughly the Midlands, Wales, the West Country and northern England. He set up his court at Oxford. Parliament controlled London, the south-east and East Anglia, as well as the English navy.[206]

After a few skirmishes, the opposing forces met in earnest at Edgehill, on 23 October 1642. Charles's nephew Prince Rupert of the Rhine disagreed with the battle strategy of the royalist commander Lord Lindsey, and Charles sided with Rupert. Lindsey resigned, leaving Charles to assume overall command assisted by Lord Forth.[207] Rupert's cavalry successfully charged through the parliamentary ranks, but instead of swiftly returning to the field, rode off to plunder the parliamentary baggage train.[208] Lindsey, acting as a colonel, was wounded and bled to death without medical attention. The battle ended inconclusively as the daylight faded.[209]

In his own words, the experience of battle had left Charles "exceedingly and deeply grieved".[210] He regrouped at Oxford, turning down Rupert's suggestion of an immediate attack on London. After a week, he set out for the capital on 3 November, capturing Brentford on the way while simultaneously continuing to negotiate with civic and parliamentary delegations. At Turnham Green on the outskirts of London, the royalist army met resistance from the city militia, and faced with a numerically superior force, Charles ordered a retreat.[210] He over-wintered in Oxford, strengthening the city's defences and preparing for the next season's campaign. Peace talks between the two sides collapsed in April.[211]

Charles depicted by Wenceslaus Hollar on horseback in front of his troops, 1644

The war continued indecisively through 1643 and 1644, and Henrietta Maria returned to Britain for 17 months from February 1643.[212] After Rupert captured Bristol in July 1643, Charles visited the port city and lay siege to Gloucester, further up the river Severn. His plan to undermine the city walls failed due to heavy rain, and on the approach of a parliamentary relief force, Charles lifted the siege and withdrew to Sudeley Castle.[213] The parliamentary army turned back towards London, and Charles set off in pursuit. The two armies met at Newbury, Berkshire, on 20 September. Just as at Edgehill, the battle stalemated at nightfall, and the armies disengaged.[214] In January 1644, Charles summoned a Parliament at Oxford, which was attended by about 40 peers and 118 members of the Commons; all told, the Oxford Parliament, which sat until March 1645, was supported by the majority of peers and about a third of the Commons.[215] Charles became disillusioned by the assembly's ineffectiveness, calling it a "mongrel" in private letters to his wife.[216]

In 1644, Charles remained in the southern half of England while Rupert rode north to relieve Newark and York, which were under threat from parliamentary and Scottish Covenanter armies. Charles was victorious at the battle of Cropredy Bridge in late June, but the royalists in the north were defeated at the battle of Marston Moor just a few days later.[217] The king continued his campaign in the south, encircling and disarming the parliamentary army of the Earl of Essex.[218] Returning northwards to his base at Oxford, he fought at Newbury for a second time before the winter closed in; the battle ended indecisively.[219] Attempts to negotiate a settlement over the winter, while both sides re-armed and re-organised, were again unsuccessful.[220]

At the battle of Naseby on 14 June 1645, Rupert's horsemen again mounted a successful charge, against the flank of Parliament's New Model Army, but Charles's troops elsewhere on the field were pushed back by the opposing forces. Charles, attempting to rally his men, rode forward but as he did so, Lord Carnwath seized his bridle and pulled him back, fearing for the king's safety. Carnwath's action was misinterpreted by the royalist soldiers as a signal to move back, leading to a collapse of their position.[221] The military balance tipped decisively in favour of Parliament.[222] There followed a series of defeats for the royalists,[223] and then the Siege of Oxford, from which Charles escaped (disguised as a servant) in April 1646.[224] He put himself into the hands of the Scottish Presbyterian army besieging Newark, and was taken northwards to Newcastle upon Tyne.[225] After nine months of negotiations, the Scots finally arrived at an agreement with the English Parliament: in exchange for £100,000, and the promise of more money in the future,[f] the Scots withdrew from Newcastle and delivered Charles to the parliamentary commissioners in January 1647.[227]

Captivity[編輯]

Parliament held Charles under house arrest at Holdenby House in Northamptonshire, until Cornet George Joyce took him by threat of force from Holdenby on 3 June in the name of the New Model Army.[228] By this time, mutual suspicion had developed between Parliament, which favoured army disbandment and Presbyterianism, and the New Model Army, which was primarily officered by Independent non-conformists who sought a greater political role.[229] Charles was eager to exploit the widening divisions, and apparently viewed Joyce's actions as an opportunity rather than a threat.[230] He was taken first to Newmarket, at his own suggestion,[231] and then transferred to Oatlands and subsequently Hampton Court, while more ultimately fruitless negotiations took place.[232] By November, he determined that it would be in his best interests to escape – perhaps to France, Southern England or to Berwick-upon-Tweed, near the Scottish border.[233] He fled Hampton Court on 11 November, and from the shores of Southampton Water made contact with Colonel Robert Hammond, Parliamentary Governor of the Isle of Wight, whom he apparently believed to be sympathetic.[234] Hammond, however, confined Charles in Carisbrooke Castle and informed Parliament that Charles was in his custody.[235]

From Carisbrooke, Charles continued to try to bargain with the various parties. In direct contrast to his previous conflict with the Scottish Kirk, on 26 December 1647 he signed a secret treaty with the Scots. Under the agreement, called the "Engagement", the Scots undertook to invade England on Charles's behalf and restore him to the throne on condition that Presbyterianism be established in England for three years.[236]

The royalists rose in May 1648, igniting the Second Civil War, and as agreed with Charles, the Scots invaded England. Uprisings in Kent, Essex, and Cumberland, and a rebellion in South Wales, were put down by the New Model Army, and with the defeat of the Scots at the Battle of Preston in August 1648, the royalists lost any chance of winning the war.[237]

Charles's only recourse was to return to negotiations,[238] which were held at Newport on the Isle of Wight.[239] On 5 December 1648, Parliament voted by 129 to 83 to continue negotiating with the king,[240] but Oliver Cromwell and the army opposed any further talks with someone they viewed as a bloody tyrant and were already taking action to consolidate their power.[241] Hammond was replaced as Governor of the Isle of Wight on 27 November, and placed in the custody of the army the following day.[242] In Pride's Purge on 6 and 7 December, the members of Parliament out of sympathy with the military were arrested or excluded by Colonel Thomas Pride,[243] while others stayed away voluntarily.[244] The remaining members formed the Rump Parliament. It was effectively a military coup.[245]

Trial[編輯]

Charles at his trial, by Edward Bower, 1649. He let his beard and hair grow long because Parliament had dismissed his barber, and he refused to let anyone else near him with a razor.[246]
Charles (in the dock with his back to the viewer) facing the High Court of Justice, 1649[247]

Charles was moved to Hurst Castle at the end of 1648, and thereafter to Windsor Castle.[248] In January 1649, the Rump House of Commons indicted him on a charge of treason, which was rejected by the House of Lords.[249] The idea of trying a king was a novel one.[250] The Chief Justices of the three common law courts of England – Henry Rolle, Oliver St John and John Wilde – all opposed the indictment as unlawful.[251] The Rump Commons declared itself capable of legislating alone, passed a bill creating a separate court for Charles's trial, and declared the bill an act without the need for royal assent.[252] The High Court of Justice established by the Act consisted of 135 commissioners, but many either refused to serve or chose to stay away.[253] Only 68 (all firm Parliamentarians) attended Charles's trial on charges of high treason and "other high crimes" that began on 20 January 1649 in Westminster Hall.[254] John Bradshaw acted as President of the Court, and the prosecution was led by the Solicitor General, John Cook.[255]

Charles was accused of treason against England by using his power to pursue his personal interest rather than the good of the country.[256] The charge stated that he, "for accomplishment of such his designs, and for the protecting of himself and his adherents in his and their wicked practices, to the same ends hath traitorously and maliciously levied war against the present Parliament, and the people therein represented", and that the "wicked designs, wars, and evil practices of him, the said Charles Stuart, have been, and are carried on for the advancement and upholding of a personal interest of will, power, and pretended prerogative to himself and his family, against the public interest, common right, liberty, justice, and peace of the people of this nation."[256] Reflecting the modern concept of command responsibility,[257] the indictment held him "guilty of all the treasons, murders, rapines, burnings, spoils, desolations, damages and mischiefs to this nation, acted and committed in the said wars, or occasioned thereby."[258] An estimated 300,000 people, or 6% of the population, died during the war.[259]

Over the first three days of the trial, whenever Charles was asked to plead, he refused,[260] stating his objection with the words: "I would know by what power I am called hither, by what lawful authority...?"[261] He claimed that no court had jurisdiction over a monarch,[250] that his own authority to rule had been given to him by God and by the traditional laws of England, and that the power wielded by those trying him was only that of force of arms. Charles insisted that the trial was illegal, explaining that,

no earthly power can justly call me (who am your King) in question as a delinquent ... this day's proceeding cannot be warranted by God's laws; for, on the contrary, the authority of obedience unto Kings is clearly warranted, and strictly commanded in both the Old and New Testament ... for the law of this land, I am no less confident, that no learned lawyer will affirm that an impeachment can lie against the King, they all going in his name: and one of their maxims is, that the King can do no wrong ... the higher House is totally excluded; and for the House of Commons, it is too well known that the major part of them are detained or deterred from sitting ... the arms I took up were only to defend the fundamental laws of this kingdom against those who have supposed my power hath totally changed the ancient government.[262]

The court, by contrast, challenged the doctrine of sovereign immunity, and proposed that "the King of England was not a person, but an office whose every occupant was entrusted with a limited power to govern 'by and according to the laws of the land and not otherwise'."[263]

At the end of the third day, Charles was removed from the court,[264] which then heard over 30 witnesses against the king in his absence over the next two days, and on 26 January condemned him to death. The following day, the king was brought before a public session of the commission, declared guilty and sentenced.[265] Fifty-nine of the commissioners signed Charles's death warrant.[266]

Execution[編輯]

Contemporary German print of Charles I's decapitation

Charles's decapitation was scheduled for Tuesday, 30 January 1649. Two of his children remained in England under the control of the Parliamentarians: Elizabeth and Henry. They were permitted to visit him on 29 January, and he bid them a tearful farewell.[267] The following morning, he called for two shirts to prevent the cold weather causing any noticeable shivers that the crowd could have mistaken for fear:[268][269]

"the season is so sharp as probably may make me shake, which some observers may imagine proceeds from fear. I would have no such imputation."[268]

He walked under guard from St James's Palace, where he had been confined, to the Palace of Whitehall, where an execution scaffold was erected in front of the Banqueting House.[270] Charles was separated from spectators by large ranks of soldiers, and his last speech reached only those with him on the scaffold.[271] He blamed his fate on his failure to prevent the execution of his loyal servant Strafford: "An unjust sentence that I suffered to take effect, is punished now by an unjust sentence on me."[272] He declared that he had desired the liberty and freedom of the people as much as any, "but I must tell you that their liberty and freedom consists in having government ... It is not their having a share in the government; that is nothing appertaining unto them. A subject and a sovereign are clean different things."[273] He continued, "I shall go from a corruptible to an incorruptible Crown, where no disturbance can be."[274]

At about 2 p.m.,[275] Charles put his head on the block after saying a prayer and signalled the executioner when he was ready by stretching out his hands; he was then beheaded with one clean stroke.[276] According to observer Philip Henry, a moan "as I never heard before and desire I may never hear again" rose from the assembled crowd,[277] some of whom then dipped their handkerchiefs in the king's blood as a memento.[278]

The executioner was masked and disguised, and there is debate over his identity. The commissioners approached Richard Brandon, the common hangman of London, but he refused, at least at first, despite being offered £200. It is possible he relented and undertook the commission after being threatened with death, but there are others who have been named as potential candidates, including George Joyce, William Hulet and Hugh Peters.[279] The clean strike, confirmed by an examination of the king's body at Windsor in 1813,[280] suggests that the execution was carried out by an experienced headsman.[281]

It was common practice for the severed head of a traitor to be held up and exhibited to the crowd with the words "Behold the head of a traitor!"[282] Although Charles's head was exhibited,[283] the words were not used, possibly because the executioner did not want his voice recognised.[282] On the day after the execution, the king's head was sewn back onto his body, which was then embalmed and placed in a lead coffin.[284]

Cromwell was said to have visited Charles's coffin, sighing "Cruel necessity!" as he did so.[285] The story was depicted by Delaroche in the nineteenth century.
Another of Delaroche's paintings, Charles I Insulted by Cromwell's Soldiers, is an allegory for later events in France and the mocking of Christ.[286]

The commission refused to allow Charles's burial at Westminster Abbey, so his body was conveyed to Windsor on the night of 7 February.[287] He was buried in the Henry VIII vault in St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle, in private on 9 February 1649.[288] The king's son, Charles II, later planned for an elaborate royal mausoleum to be erected in Hyde Park, London, but it was never built.[128]

Legacy[編輯]

Ten days after Charles's execution, on the day of his interment, a memoir purporting to be written by the king appeared for sale.[284] This book, the Eikon Basilike (Greek: the "Royal Portrait"), contained an apologia for royal policies, and it proved an effective piece of royalist propaganda. John Milton wrote a Parliamentary rejoinder, the Eikonoklastes ("The Iconoclast"), but the response made little headway against the pathos of the royalist book.[289] Anglicans and royalists fashioned an image of martyrdom,[290] and Charles was recognised as a martyr king by his followers. From the latter half of the seventeenth century, high Anglicans commemorated his martyrdom on the anniversary of his death and churches, such as those at Falmouth and Tunbridge Wells, were founded in his honour.[128]

Partly inspired by his visit to the Spanish court in 1623,[291] Charles became a passionate and knowledgeable art collector, amassing one of the finest art collections ever assembled.[292] His intimate courtiers including the Duke of Buckingham and the Earl of Arundel shared his interest and have been dubbed the Whitehall group.[293] In Spain, he sat for a sketch by Velázquez, and acquired works by Titian and Correggio, among others.[294] In England, his commissions included the ceiling of the Banqueting House, Whitehall, by Rubens and paintings by other artists from the Low Countries such as van Honthorst, Mytens, and van Dyck.[295] In 1627 and 1628, he purchased the entire collection of the Duke of Mantua, which included work by Titian, Correggio, Raphael, Caravaggio, del Sarto and Mantegna.[296] Charles's collection grew further to encompass Bernini, Breughel, da Vinci, Holbein, Hollar, Tintoretto and Veronese, and self-portraits by both Dürer and Rembrandt.[297] By Charles's death, there were an estimated 1760 paintings,[298] most of which were sold and dispersed by Parliament.[299]

With the monarchy overthrown, England became a republic or "Commonwealth". The House of Lords was abolished by the Rump Commons, and executive power was assumed by a Council of State.[300] All significant military opposition in Britain and Ireland was extinguished by the forces of Oliver Cromwell in the Third English Civil War and the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland.[301] Cromwell forcibly disbanded the Rump Parliament in 1653,[302] thereby establishing The Protectorate with himself as Lord Protector.[303] Upon his death in 1658, he was briefly succeeded by his ineffective son, Richard.[304] Parliament was reinstated, and the monarchy was restored to Charles I's eldest son, Charles II, in 1660.[305]

Carolina in North America – later North and South Carolina – was named after Charles I. To the north in Virginia, Cape Charles, Charles River Shire and the Charles City Shire were all likewise named after him; the king personally named the Charles River.[306]

Assessments[編輯]

In the words of John Philipps Kenyon, "Charles Stuart is a man of contradictions and controversy".[307] Revered by high Tories who considered him a saintly martyr,[128] he was condemned by Whig historians, such as Samuel Rawson Gardiner, who thought him duplicitous and delusional.[308] In recent decades, most historians have criticised him,[309] the main exception being Kevin Sharpe who offered a more sympathetic view of Charles that has not been widely adopted.[310] While Sharpe argued that the king was a dynamic man of conscience, Professor Barry Coward thought Charles "was the most incompetent monarch of England since Henry VI",[311] a view shared by Ronald Hutton, who called him "the worst king we have had since the Middle Ages".[312]

Archbishop William Laud, who was beheaded by Parliament during the war, described Charles as "A mild and gracious prince who knew not how to be, or how to be made, great."[313] Charles was more sober and refined than his father,[314] but he was intransigent and deliberately pursued unpopular policies that ultimately brought ruin on himself.[315] Both Charles and James were advocates of the divine right of kings, but while James's ambitions concerning absolute prerogative were tempered by compromise and consensus with his subjects, Charles believed that he had no need to compromise or even to explain his actions.[316] He thought that he was answerable only to God. "Princes are not bound to give account of their actions," he wrote, "but to God alone".[317]

頭銜、稱號、榮譽和紋章[編輯]

頭銜和稱號[編輯]

  • 1600年12月23日 –1625年3月27日:奧爾巴尼公爵、奧蒙德侯爵、羅斯伯爵及阿德蒙諾赫勳爵[318]
  • 1605年 1月 6日 –1625年3月27日:約克公爵[318]
  • 1612年11月 6日 –1625年3月27日:康沃爾及羅西斯公爵[318]
  • 1616年11月 4日 –1625年3月27日:威爾斯親王及切斯特伯爵[318]
  • 1625年 3月27日 –1649年1月30日:國王殿下

查理一世作為國王的官方頭銜英語style (manner of address)是「查爾斯,蒙上帝恩典,英格蘭蘇格蘭法蘭西愛爾蘭國王,信仰的守衛者英語Fidei defensor,等[319]。」其中「法蘭西國王」只是名譽稱號,從愛德華三世時始到喬治三世時止,每一位英格蘭君主無論實際上對法蘭西領土有著怎樣的控制,都會在自己的官方稱號中宣稱自己是法蘭西國王[320]。然而,判處他死刑的那些人不想在稱號中使用和信仰相關的部分,他們只稱呼他為:「查爾斯·斯圖亞特,英格蘭國王[321]」。

榮譽[編輯]

紋章[編輯]

作為約克公爵,查爾斯的王室紋章以一條有三間的銀白色英語Argent橫條英語Label (heraldry)區分英語Cadency,而每間橫條都繪上了紅色的英語Gules小圓盤英語torteau[323]。威爾斯親王的王室紋章以一條共三間無特別之處的純銀白色橫條作區分[324]。作為國王,查爾斯的王室紋章式樣未有太大變化。他的紋章盾面可以縱橫地分成四部份英語Quartering (heraldry)。位於左上的第一部份和位於右下的第四部份再被等分成四部份,第一部份和第四部份的左上和右下邊繪上天藍色背景英語Azure (heraldry),並代表法蘭西的三個金色英語Or (heraldry)鳶尾花圖案,而左下和右上邊則繪上紅色背景,並代表英格蘭縱向排列英語Pale (heraldry)的三隻面向其左並向前直走英語Attitude (heraldry)的金色獅子;位於右上的第二部份繪上飾有鳶尾形花紋之雙邊帶英語tressure的金色背景,並代表蘇格蘭的一隻後腿站立英語Attitude (heraldry)的紅色獅子;而位於左下的第三部分繪上天藍色背景,並代表愛爾蘭的一把有三根銀弦的金色豎琴。至於蘇格蘭紋章,位於左上的第一部份和右下第四部份繪上代表蘇格蘭的圖樣,位於右上的第二部份被細分成四部份,並繪上代表英格蘭和法蘭西的圖樣[325]

子嗣[編輯]

查理一世在1637年時的五個最年長的孩子,從左至右為:瑪麗英語Mary, Princess Royal and Princess of Orange詹姆斯查爾斯伊莉莎白英語Elizabeth Stuart (1635–1650)安妮

查理一世有九個孩子,其中有兩個最終當了國王,亦有兩個在出生不久後夭折[326]

姓名 生日 卒日 備註
康沃爾及羅斯西公爵查爾斯·詹姆斯 1629年5月13日 1629年5月13日 出生當天即去世,以「威爾斯親王查爾斯」的名義下葬[327]
查理二世 1630年5月29日 1685年2月6日 1663年與布拉甘扎的凱薩琳(1638年-1705年)結婚,沒有合法子嗣。
長公主瑪麗英語Mary, Princess Royal and Princess of Orange 1631年11月4日 1660年12月24日 1641年與奧蘭治親王威廉二世(1626年 - 1650年)結婚。她有一個孩子,即日後的奧蘭治親王威廉三世
詹姆斯七世及二世 1633年10月14日 1701年9月16日 第一次和安妮·海德(1637年–1671年)在1659年結婚,子嗣包括日後的瑪麗二世大不列顛女王安妮
第二次和摩德納的瑪麗英語Mary of Modena(1658年–1718年)在1673年結婚。有子嗣。
伊莉莎白公主英語Elizabeth Stuart (1635–1650) 1635年12月29日 1650年9月8日 無子嗣。
安妮公主 1637年3月17日 1640年11月5日 夭折。
凱薩琳公主 1639年6月29日 1639年6月29日 出生當日夭折。
格洛斯特公爵亨利英語Henry Stuart, Duke of Gloucester 1640年7月8日 1660年9月13日 無子嗣。
亨莉雅妲公主英語Princess Henrietta of England 1644年6月16日 1670年6月30日 1661年與奧爾良公爵菲力浦一世(1640年 - 1701年)結婚,有子嗣。

祖先[編輯]

先祖
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
高祖父:第三代論諾克斯伯爵約翰·斯圖爾特英語John Stewart, 3rd Earl of Lennox
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
曾祖父:第四代倫諾克斯伯爵英語Earl of Lennox馬修·斯圖爾特[328]
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
高祖母:伯爵夫人伊莉莎白·斯圖爾特英語Elizabeth Stewart, Countess of Lennox
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
祖父:蘇格蘭配王亨利·斯圖爾特英語Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖父:第六代安格斯伯爵英語Earl of Angus阿奇博爾德·道格拉斯英語Archibald Douglas, 6th Earl of Angus
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
曾祖母:伯爵夫人瑪格麗特·道格拉斯英語Margaret Douglas[328][g]
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖母:蘇格蘭王后瑪格麗特·都鐸
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
父:英格蘭及蘇格蘭國王詹姆斯一世及六世
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖父:蘇格蘭國王詹姆斯四世
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外曾祖父:蘇格蘭國王詹姆斯五世[328][g]
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖母:蘇格蘭王后瑪格麗特·都鐸(同上)
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
祖母:蘇格蘭女王瑪麗一世
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖父:第一代吉斯公爵克洛德·德·洛林
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外曾祖母:蘇格蘭王后瑪麗·德吉斯[328]
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖母:公爵夫人安托瓦內特·波旁英語Antoinette de Bourbon
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
英格蘭及蘇格蘭國王查理一世
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖父:丹麥國王弗雷德里克一世
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外曾祖父:丹麥國王克里斯蒂安三世[328][h]
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖母:丹麥王后安娜英語Anna of Brandenburg
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外祖父:丹麥國王弗雷德里克二世
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖父:薩克森-勞恩堡英語Saxe-Lauenburg公爵馬格努斯一世英語Magnus I, Duke of Saxe-Lauenburg
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外曾祖母:丹麥王后多蘿西婭英語Dorothea of Saxe-Lauenburg[328]
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖母:公爵夫人凱薩琳郡主英語Catherine of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, Duchess of Saxe-Lauenburg
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
母:英格蘭及蘇格蘭王后安娜
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖父:梅克倫堡公爵阿爾布雷希特七世英語Albert VII, Duke of Mecklenburg-Güstrow
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外曾祖父:梅克倫堡公爵烏爾里希英語Ulrich, Duke of Mecklenburg[328]
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖母:公爵夫人安娜英語Anna of Brandenburg, Duchess of Mecklenburg
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外祖母:丹麥王后索菲英語Sophie of Mecklenburg-Güstrow
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖父:丹麥國王弗雷德里克一世(同上)
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外曾祖母:公爵夫人伊莉莎白公主英語Elizabeth of Denmark, Duchess of Mecklenburg[328][h]
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
外高祖母:丹麥王后蘇菲英語Sophie of Pomerania
 
 
 
 
 
 

參見[編輯]

注釋[編輯]

  1. ^ 查爾斯最終長到了5英尺4英寸(163公分)[7].
  2. ^ Rubens, who acted as the Spanish representative during peace negotiations in London, painted Landscape with Saint George and the Dragon in 1629–30.[73] The landscape is modelled on the Thames Valley, and the central figures of Saint George (England's patron saint) and a maiden resemble the king and queen.[74] The dragon of war lies slain under Charles's foot.[75]
  3. ^ For example, James I ruled without Parliament between 1614 and 1621.[85]
  4. ^ For comparison, a typical farm labourer could earn 8d a day, or about £10 a year.[91]
  5. ^ The statute forbade grants of monopolies to individuals but Charles circumvented the restriction by granting monopolies to companies.[97]
  6. ^ The Scots were promised £400,000 in instalments.[226]
  7. ^ 7.0 7.1 詹姆斯五世與瑪格麗特·道格拉斯均為英格蘭國王亨利七世長女瑪格麗特·都鐸所生: 詹姆斯五世為蘇格蘭國王詹姆斯四世所出, 瑪格麗特為阿奇博爾德·道格拉斯英語Archibald Douglas, 6th Earl of Angus所出.[328]
  8. ^ 8.0 8.1 克里斯蒂安三世與伊莉莎白均為弗雷德里克一世所生: 克里斯蒂安為布蘭登堡的安娜英語Anna of Brandenburg, Duchess of Mecklenburg所出, 伊莉莎白為波美拉尼亞的蘇菲英語Sophie of Pomerania所出.[328]

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  117. ^ Adamson 2007,第9頁; Cust 2005,第246–247頁; Sharpe 1992,第805–806頁.
  118. ^ Adamson 2007,第9–10頁; Cust 2005,第248頁.
  119. ^ Howat 1974,第44, 66頁; Sharpe 1992,第809–813, 825–834, 895頁.
  120. ^ Cust 2005,第251頁; Gregg 1981,第294頁.
  121. ^ 121.0 121.1 Adamson 2007,第11頁.
  122. ^ Loades 1974,第401頁.
  123. ^ Loades 1974,第402頁.
  124. ^ Adamson 2007,第14頁.
  125. ^ Adamson 2007,第15頁.
  126. ^ Adamson 2007,第17頁.
  127. ^ Carlton 1995,第211–212頁; Cust 2005,第253–259頁; Gregg 1981,第305–307頁; Loades 1974,第402頁.
  128. ^ 128.0 128.1 128.2 128.3 Kishlansky & Morrill 2008.
  129. ^ Gregg 1981,第243頁.
  130. ^ Cust 2005,第185–186頁; Quintrell 1993,第114頁.
  131. ^ Quintrell 1993,第46頁.
  132. ^ Sharpe 1992,第132頁.
  133. ^ Stevenson 1973,第183–208頁.
  134. ^ Gregg 1981,第313–314頁; Hibbert 1968,第147, 150頁.
  135. ^ Stevenson 1973,第101頁.
  136. ^ Cust 2005,第262–263頁; Gregg 1981,第313–315頁.
  137. ^ Cust 2005,第264–265頁; Sharpe 1992,第914–916頁.
  138. ^ Carlton 1995,第214頁; Cust 2005,第265–266頁; Sharpe 1992,第916–918頁.
  139. ^ Gregg 1981,第315頁; Stevenson 1973,第212–213頁.
  140. ^ Loades 1974,第404頁; Stevenson 1973,第212–213頁.
  141. ^ Carlton 1995,第216頁; Gregg 1981,第317–319頁.
  142. ^ Gregg 1981,第323頁.
  143. ^ Gregg 1981,第324–325頁.
  144. ^ Cust 2005,第276頁; Russell 1991,第225頁.
  145. ^ Carlton 1995,第220頁; Gregg 1981,第326頁.
  146. ^ Gregg 1981,第327頁; Hibbert 1968,第151–153頁.
  147. ^ Carlton 1995,第222頁; Gregg 1981,第328頁; Hibbert 1968,第154頁.
  148. ^ Carlton 1995,第222頁; Hibbert 1968,第154頁 and Sharpe 1992,第944頁 assume that Pym was involved with the launch of the bill; Russell 1991,第288頁, quoting and agreeing with Gardiner, suspects that it was initiated by Pym's allies only.
  149. ^ Carlton 1995,第222–223頁; Cust 2005,第282頁; Gregg 1981,第330頁.
  150. ^ Hibbert 1968,第154–155頁.
  151. ^ Gregg 1981,第330頁; see also Cust 2005,第282頁 and Sharpe 1992,第944頁.
  152. ^ Cust 2005,第283–287頁; Russell 1991,第291–295頁
  153. ^ Gregg 1981,第329, 333頁.
  154. ^ Carlton 1995,第223頁; Cust 2005,第287頁; Gregg 1981,第333–334頁; Hibbert 1968,第156頁.
  155. ^ Coward 2003,第191頁; Gregg 1981,第334頁; Hibbert 1968,第156–157頁.
  156. ^ 156.0 156.1 Kenyon 1978,第127頁.
  157. ^ Hibbert 1968,第156頁; Kenyon 1978,第127–128頁.
  158. ^ Gregg 1981,第335頁; Kenyon 1978,第128頁.
  159. ^ Kenyon 1978,第129頁.
  160. ^ Kenyon 1978,第130頁.
  161. ^ Carlton 1995,第225–226頁; Starkey 2006,第112頁.
  162. ^ Carlton 1995,第226頁; Kenyon 1978,第133頁; Stevenson 1973,第238–239頁.
  163. ^ Carlton 1995,第183頁; Robertson 2005,第42–43頁.
  164. ^ Gillespie 2006,第125頁.
  165. ^ Coward 2003,第172頁.
  166. ^ Carlton 1995,第183, 229頁; Robertson 2005,第42頁.
  167. ^ Gillespie 2006,第130頁.
  168. ^ Gillespie 2006,第131頁.
  169. ^ Gillespie 2006,第137頁.
  170. ^ Carlton 1995,第229頁; Cust 2005,第306頁.
  171. ^ Russell 1991,第298頁.
  172. ^ Gillespie 2006,第3頁.
  173. ^ Loades 1974,第413頁; Russell 1990,第43頁.
  174. ^ Cust 2005,第307–308頁; Russell 1990,第19頁.
  175. ^ Schama 2001,第118頁.
  176. ^ Starkey 2006,第112頁.
  177. ^ Gregg 1981,第340–341頁; Loades 1974,第415頁; Smith 1999,第127頁; Starkey 2006,第113頁.
  178. ^ Kenyon 1978,第135頁; Smith 1999,第128頁.
  179. ^ Loades 1974,第414頁.
  180. ^ Carlton 1995,第230頁; Schama 2001,第118–120頁.
  181. ^ Gillespie 2006,第144頁; Schama 2001,第118–120頁.
  182. ^ Loades 1974,第416–417頁; Schama 2001,第118–120頁.
  183. ^ Gregg 1981,第341–342頁.
  184. ^ Coward 2003,第200頁.
  185. ^ Kenyon 1978,第136頁.
  186. ^ Carlton 1995,第237頁.
  187. ^ Smith 1999,第129頁.
  188. ^ Kenyon 1978,第137頁.
  189. ^ Carlton 1995,第235–236頁; Cust 2005,第323–324頁; Gregg 1981,第343頁; Hibbert 1968,第160頁; Loades 1974,第417頁.
  190. ^ Starkey 2006,第113頁.
  191. ^ Carlton 1995,第232頁; Cust 2005,第320頁; Hibbert 1968,第177頁.
  192. ^ Cust 2005,第321–324頁; Gregg 1981,第343頁; Hibbert 1968,第178頁; Starkey 2006,第113–114頁.
  193. ^ Carlton 1995,第232頁; Cust 2005,第320–321頁; Hibbert 1968,第179頁.
  194. ^ Carlton 1995,第233頁; Gregg 1981,第344頁.
  195. ^ Robertson 2005,第62頁.
  196. ^ Starkey 2006,第114頁.
  197. ^ Loades 1974,第418頁; Starkey 2006,第114–115頁.
  198. ^ Gregg 1981,第344頁.
  199. ^ Loades 1974,第418頁.
  200. ^ Cust 2005,第326–327頁; Hibbert 1968,第180–181頁.
  201. ^ Carlton 1995,第234, 236頁; Hibbert 1968,第181頁.
  202. ^ Carlton 1995,第237–238頁; Hibbert 1968,第181–182頁.
  203. ^ Carlton 1995,第238頁; Cust 2005,第338–341頁; Gregg 1981,第351頁.
  204. ^ Cust 2005,第350頁.
  205. ^ Cust 2005,第352頁; Hibbert 1968,第182頁; Loades 1974,第422頁.
  206. ^ Loades 1974,第423–424頁.
  207. ^ Gregg 1981,第366–367頁.
  208. ^ Carlton 1995,第248頁.
  209. ^ Gregg 1981,第368頁.
  210. ^ 210.0 210.1 Carlton 1995,第249頁.
  211. ^ Carlton 1995,第254頁; Cust 2005,第371頁
  212. ^ Gregg 1981,第378, 385頁; Hibbert 1968,第195–198頁.
  213. ^ Carlton 1995,第257頁.
  214. ^ Carlton 1995,第258頁.
  215. ^ Gregg 1981,第381–382頁.
  216. ^ Carlton 1995,第263頁; Gregg 1981,第382頁
  217. ^ Gregg 1981,第382–386頁.
  218. ^ Carlton 1995,第268–269, 272頁; Cust 2005,第389頁; Gregg 1981,第387–388頁
  219. ^ Gregg 1981,第388–389頁.
  220. ^ Carlton 1995,第275–278頁; Gregg 1981,第391–392頁
  221. ^ Cust 2005,第404–405頁; Gregg 1981,第396頁
  222. ^ Cust 2005,第403–405頁; Gregg 1981,第396–397頁; Holmes 2006,第72–73頁.
  223. ^ Carlton 1995,第294頁; Cust 2005,第408頁; Gregg 1981,第398頁; Hibbert 1968,第230, 232–234, 237–238頁.
  224. ^ Carlton 1995,第300頁; Gregg 1981,第406頁; Robertson 2005,第67頁.
  225. ^ Carlton 1995,第303, 305頁; Cust 2005,第420頁; Gregg 1981,第407–408頁.
  226. ^ Carlton 1995,第309頁; Hibbert 1968,第241頁.
  227. ^ Gregg 1981,第411頁.
  228. ^ Carlton 1995,第310頁; Cust 2005,第429–430頁; Gregg 1981,第411–413頁.
  229. ^ Coward 2003,第224–236頁; Edwards 1999,第57頁; Holmes 2006,第101–109頁.
  230. ^ Gregg 1981,第412–414頁.
  231. ^ Carlton 1995,第311頁; Cust 2005,第431頁.
  232. ^ Carlton 1995,第312–314頁.
  233. ^ Cust 2005,第435–436頁.
  234. ^ Gregg 1981,第419頁; Hibbert 1968,第247頁.
  235. ^ Gregg 1981,第419–420頁.
  236. ^ Cust 2005,第437頁; Hibbert 1968,第248頁.
  237. ^ Carlton 1995,第329–330頁; Gregg 1981,第424頁.
  238. ^ Cust 2005,第442頁.
  239. ^ Carlton 1995,第331頁; Gregg 1981,第426頁.
  240. ^ Coward 2003,第237頁; Robertson 2005,第118頁.
  241. ^ Hibbert 1968,第251頁; Starkey 2006,第122–124頁.
  242. ^ Gregg 1981,第429頁.
  243. ^ Carlton 1995,第336頁; Hibbert 1968,第252頁.
  244. ^ Coward 2003,第237頁; Starkey 2006,第123頁.
  245. ^ Edwards 1999,第84–85頁; Robertson 2005,第118–119頁; Starkey 2006,第123頁.
  246. ^ Carlton 1995,第326頁; Gregg 1981,第422頁.
  247. ^ Gregg 1981,between pages 420 and 421.
  248. ^ Carlton 1995,第335–337頁; Gregg 1981,第429–430頁; Hibbert 1968,第253–254頁.
  249. ^ Edwards 1999,第99頁; Gregg 1981,第432頁; Hibbert 1968,第255, 273頁.
  250. ^ 250.0 250.1 Robertson 2002,第4–6頁.
  251. ^ Edwards 1999,第99, 109頁.
  252. ^ Cust 2005,第452頁; Gregg 1981,第432頁; Robertson 2005,第137頁.
  253. ^ Gregg 1981,第433頁.
  254. ^ Edwards 1999,第125–126頁; Gregg 1981,第436頁.
  255. ^ Gregg 1981,第435–436頁; Robertson 2005,第143–144頁.
  256. ^ 256.0 256.1 Gardiner 1906,第371–374頁.
  257. ^ Robertson 2005,第15, 148–149頁.
  258. ^ Gardiner 1906,第371–374頁; Gregg 1981,第437頁; Robertson 2005,第15, 149頁.
  259. ^ Carlton 1995,第304頁.
  260. ^ Carlton 1995,第345–346頁; Edwards 1999,第132–146頁; Gregg 1981,第437–440頁.
  261. ^ Carlton 1995,第345頁; Robertson 2002,第4–6頁.
  262. ^ Gardiner 1906,第374–376頁.
  263. ^ Robertson 2005,第15頁.
  264. ^ Carlton 1995,第347頁; Edwards 1999,第146頁.
  265. ^ Gregg 1981,第440–441頁.
  266. ^ Edwards 1999,第162頁; Hibbert 1968,第267頁.
  267. ^ Carlton 1995,第350–351頁; Gregg 1981,第443頁; Hibbert 1968,第276–277頁.
  268. ^ 268.0 268.1 Charles I (r. 1625–49), Official website of the British monarchy, [20 April 2013] .
  269. ^ Carlton 1995,第352頁; Edwards 1999,第168頁.
  270. ^ Carlton 1995,第352–353頁; Gregg 1981,第443頁.
  271. ^ Carlton 1995,第353頁; Edwards 1999,第178頁; Gregg 1981,第444頁; Hibbert 1968,第279頁; Holmes 2006,第93頁.
  272. ^ Carlton 1995,第353頁; Edwards 1999,第179頁; Gregg 1981,第444頁; Hibbert 1968,第157, 279頁.
  273. ^ Gregg 1981,第444頁; see also a virtually identical quote in Edwards 1999,第180頁.
  274. ^ Carlton 1995,第354頁; Edwards 1999,第182頁; Hibbert 1968,第279頁; Starkey 2006,第126頁.
  275. ^ Carlton 1995,第354頁; Edwards 1999,第183頁; Gregg 1981,第443–444頁.
  276. ^ Hibbert 1968,第279–280頁; Robertson 2005,第200頁.
  277. ^ Hibbert 1968,第280頁.
  278. ^ Edwards 1999,第184頁; Gregg 1981,第445頁; Hibbert 1968,第280頁.
  279. ^ Edwards 1999,第173頁.
  280. ^ Robertson 2005,第201頁.
  281. ^ Robertson 2005,第333頁.
  282. ^ 282.0 282.1 Edwards 1999,第183頁.
  283. ^ Edwards 1999,第183頁; Gregg 1981,第445頁.
  284. ^ 284.0 284.1 Gregg 1981,第445頁.
  285. ^ Edwards 1999,第197頁; Gregg 1981,第445頁; Hibbert 1968,第280頁.
  286. ^ Higgins 2009.
  287. ^ Edwards 1999,第188頁; Gregg 1981,第445頁.
  288. ^ Edwards 1999,第189頁; Gregg 1981,第445頁.
  289. ^ Gregg 1981,第445頁; Robertson 2005,第208–209頁.
  290. ^ Cust 2005,第461頁.
  291. ^ Gregg 1981,第83頁; Hibbert 1968,第133頁.
  292. ^ Carlton 1995,第141頁; Cust 2005,第156–157頁; Gregg 1981,第194頁; Hibbert 1968,第135頁.
  293. ^ Millar, Oliver. Rubens:the Whitehall Ceiling. Oxford University Press. 1958: 6. 
  294. ^ Gregg 1981,第83頁.
  295. ^ Carlton 1995,第145頁; Hibbert 1968,第134頁.
  296. ^ Gregg 1981,第167–169頁; see also Carlton 1995,第142頁; Cust 2005,第157頁 and Hibbert 1968,第135頁.
  297. ^ Gregg 1981,第249–250, 278頁.
  298. ^ Carlton 1995,第142頁.
  299. ^ Carlton 1995,第143頁.
  300. ^ Edwards 1999,第190頁; Kenyon 1978,第166頁.
  301. ^ Edwards 1999,第190頁; Kenyon 1978,第166–168頁; Loades 1974,第450–452頁.
  302. ^ Holmes 2006,第121頁; Kenyon 1978,第170頁; Loades 1974,第454頁.
  303. ^ Edwards 1999,第190頁; Loades 1974,第455–459頁.
  304. ^ Holmes 2006,第174頁; Kenyon 1978,第177頁; Loades 1974,第459頁.
  305. ^ Holmes 2006,第175–176頁; Kenyon 1978,第177–180頁.
  306. ^ Stewart 1967,第38頁.
  307. ^ Kenyon 1978,第93頁.
  308. ^ Cust 2005,第414, 466頁; Kenyon 1978,第93頁.
  309. ^ Carlton 1995,第xvi頁; Coward 2003,第xxiii頁; Cust 2005,第472–473頁.
  310. ^ Carlton 1995,第xvii頁; Coward 2003,第xxii頁; Cust 2005,第466頁.
  311. ^ Coward 2003,第xxii頁.
  312. ^ Quoted in Carlton 1995,第xvii頁
  313. ^ Archbishop Laud, quoted by his chaplain Peter Heylin in Cyprianus Angelicus, 1688
  314. ^ Kenyon 1978,第93頁; Robertson 2005,第32頁.
  315. ^ Cust 2005,第466–474頁.
  316. ^ Kenyon 1978,第94頁; Sharpe 1992,第198頁.
  317. ^ Gardiner 1906,第83頁.
  318. ^ 318.0 318.1 318.2 318.3 Weir 1996,第252頁.
  319. ^ Wallis 1921,第61頁.
  320. ^ Weir 1996,第286頁.
  321. ^ Edwards 1999,第160頁; Gregg 1981,第436, 440頁.
  322. ^ 322.0 322.1 Cokayne, Gibbs & Doubleday 1913,第445頁; Weir 1996,第252頁.
  323. ^ Ashmole 1715,第532頁.
  324. ^ Ashmole 1715,第531, 534頁.
  325. ^ Johnston 1906,第18頁.
  326. ^ Weir 1996,第252–254頁.
  327. ^ Cokayne, Gibbs & Doubleday 1913,第446頁.
  328. ^ 328.00 328.01 328.02 328.03 328.04 328.05 328.06 328.07 328.08 328.09 Louda & Maclagan 1999,第27, 50頁.

延伸閱讀[編輯]

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  • Hibbard, Caroline M. Charles I and the Popish Plot. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 1983. ISBN 0-8078-1520-9.  已忽略未知參數|separator=(建議使用|mode=) (幫助)
  • Kishlansky, Mark A. Charles I: A Case of Mistaken Identity 189. 2005: 41–80. doi:10.1093/pastj/gti027.  已忽略未知參數|separator=(建議使用|mode=) (幫助); |journal=被忽略 (幫助); |issue=被忽略 (幫助)
  • Lockyer, Roger (編). The Trial of Charles I. London: Folio Society. 1959.  已忽略未知參數|separator=(建議使用|mode=) (幫助)
  • Reeve, L. J. Charles I and the Road to Personal Rule. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1989. ISBN 0-521-52133-5.  已忽略未知參數|separator=(建議使用|mode=) (幫助)
  • Wedgwood, Cicely Veronica. The Great Rebellion: The King's Peace, 1637–1641. London: Collins. 1955.  已忽略未知參數|separator=(建議使用|mode=) (幫助)
  • Wedgwood, Cicely Veronica. The Great Rebellion: The King's War, 1641–1647. London: Collins. 1958.  已忽略未知參數|separator=(建議使用|mode=) (幫助)
  • Wedgwood, Cicely Veronica. A Coffin for King Charles: The Trial and Execution of Charles I. London: Macmillan. 1964.  已忽略未知參數|separator=(建議使用|mode=) (幫助)