用户:Dkzzl/阿季奈迪恩战役

  关于其他名叫穆阿维叶的人物，请见“穆阿维叶 (名)”。

穆阿维叶一世 معاوية‎
信士们的长官 真主的哈里发
倭马亚哈里发国的第一位哈里发
统治	661年1月 – 680年4月
前任	王朝建立 哈桑·本·阿里
接任者	叶齐德一世
叙利亚总督
任期	639年–661年
前任	耶齐德·本·艾比·素福彦
继任	停用
出生	约597年–605年之间 麦加
逝世	680年4月（约75-83岁） 大马士革
安葬	大马士革小城门
配偶	凯特韦·宾特·盖勒泽·本·阿卜杜·阿慕尔（Katwa bint Qaraza ibn Abd Amr） 菲希塔·宾特·盖勒泽·奈乌法利叶（Fakhita bint Qurayza al-Nawfaliyya） 迈松·宾特·贝赫德尔 Na'ila bint Umara al-Kalbiyya
子嗣	耶齐德 阿卜杜拉 Ramla
全名 穆阿维叶·本·艾比·素福彦 (معاوية ابن أبي سفيان‎)
朝代	倭马亚王朝
父亲	阿布·素福彦·本·哈尔卜
母亲	杏德·宾特·乌特贝
宗教信仰	伊斯兰教

穆阿维叶·本·艾比·素福彦（阿拉伯语：معاوية بن أبي سفيان‎，罗马化：Muʿāwiya ibn Abī Sufyān；约597、603或605年–680年4月），通称穆阿维叶一世，是伊斯兰史上第一个世袭哈里发王朝——倭马亚王朝的开国之君，661年成为哈里发，一直统治到680年。他接过的是前四位“正统”哈里发的位置，后者都是伊斯兰教先知穆罕默德的早期伙伴，而穆阿维叶直到630年后才追随穆罕默德。

穆阿维叶与他的父亲阿布·素福彦及穆罕默德同属麦加的古莱氏部落，但他们早期都反对穆罕默德的事业，直到630年穆罕默德征服麦加后才服从。之后，穆阿维叶担任穆罕默德的抄写员（卡提布），后第一位哈里发阿布·伯克尔（632-634年在位）任命他为征服叙利亚的副指挥官，欧麦尔在位时（634-644年）地位不断提高，到他的倭马亚氏族亲属奥斯曼在位时（644-656年在位），他被任命为叙利亚（沙姆）总督。他在省内与强大的凯勒卜部落结盟，巩固了沿海城市的防御，并向拜占庭帝国（东罗马帝国）发动进攻，穆斯林海军的第一次海战也在这一时期发生。656年奥斯曼被刺杀后，穆阿维叶宣称要为他报仇，反对接任的哈里发阿里（656-661年在位）。随后内战爆发，二人的军队于657年在绥芬恶战，陷入僵局，随后一系列的仲裁与谈判也没能解决冲突。之后，穆阿维叶在叙利亚人和他的盟友，埃及征服者、总督阿姆鲁·本·阿斯的支持下自称哈里发。661年阿里遇刺而死，穆阿维叶迫使阿里之子哈桑退位，整个哈里发国都承认了穆阿维叶的权威。

在国内，穆阿维叶主要倚靠忠于倭马亚王朝的定居叙利亚的阿拉伯部落，并靠叙利亚以基督徒为主的官僚进行统治。他建立了负责邮政、通信与总理事务的政府部门（底万），他也是伊斯兰帝国中第一个在钱币、铭文、文件上留名的哈里发。对外事务上，穆阿维叶基本每年都会派遣海军或陆军袭击拜占庭帝国，674-678年，围攻君士坦丁堡不克，然而到他统治末期战争局势反而对阿拉伯人不利，使得他被迫求和。在伊拉克及东部省份，他将权力赋予强大的总督，包括穆吉雷与齐亚德·本·艾比希，还承认齐亚德是他的血亲兄弟。穆阿维叶治下，将领欧格白·本·纳菲于670年开始了对易弗里基叶（北非中部）的征服，东面对呼罗珊与锡斯坦的征服也得以恢复。

穆阿维叶在国内仅任命倭马亚族人为麦地那总督，但他提名自己的儿子耶齐德为继承人，这在伊斯兰历史上是前无古人的行动，主要的穆斯林领袖，包括阿里的儿子侯赛因与阿伊莎的亲属阿卜杜拉·本·祖拜尔都对此表示强烈反对。穆阿维叶死后，冲突最后酿成第二次穆斯林内战。

同时代的史书对穆阿维叶抱有相当的敬意，但也批评他缺乏前几任哈里发的虔诚与正义感，还把“公天下”转为“家天下”。逊尼派穆斯林传统上尊重他作为穆罕默德的同伴与《古兰经》 抄写员的成就，什叶派穆斯林则因他反对阿里而加以辱骂，并认为哈桑是被他毒杀的，并怀疑他皈依伊斯兰教的信念。

出身与早年生活

A map of the Caliphate's growth at different stages. By the time the Islamic prophet Muhammad died in 632, Islam had spread throughout Arabia (shaded in green)

穆阿维叶的出生时间不能确定，早期伊斯兰史书提出了597年、603年、605年等说法。他的父亲阿布·素福彦·本·哈尔卜属于麦加的古莱氏部落，是城中数一数二的大商人，经营前往叙利亚（属拜占庭帝国）的商队。古莱氏是麦加的主要部落，穆罕默德也属于这个部落，他与阿布·素福彦的曾祖父是一人——阿卜杜·麦纳弗·本·古赛，但阿布·素福彦是支持多神教的阿布·沙姆氏族的领袖，并与宣扬伊斯兰教的穆罕默德敌对。穆阿维叶的母亲杏德·宾特·乌特贝也属于阿布·沙姆氏族。

624年，穆罕默德与其追随者试图拦截阿布·素福彦带领的，自叙利亚返回的商队，迫使后者请求支援，但古莱氏的援军在伯德尔战役中惨败，穆阿维叶的兄长汉扎拉（Hanzala）与外祖父乌特贝·本·赖比尔战死。阿布·素福彦接替战死的麦加军队领袖阿慕尔·本·希沙姆，率军于625年的武侯德战役击败穆斯林军队，但627年的壕沟之战中他围攻麦地那不成，失去了领导地位。

穆阿维叶的父亲没有参与628年麦加与穆罕默德之间侯代比亚和约的谈判，次年，十五年前就已皈依伊斯兰教的穆阿维叶寡居的姐姐乌姆·哈比巴（Umm Habiba）嫁给了穆罕默德，这一通婚可能减少了阿布·素福彦对穆罕默德的敌意，630年古莱氏的同盟违反了和约后，他曾前往麦地那与穆罕默德谈判。同年，穆罕默德征服麦加，穆阿维叶与父亲及长兄耶齐德皈依伊斯兰教。根据早期穆斯林史家白拉祖里以及后代史家伊本·哈哲尔·阿拉盖斯尼引用的记载，自侯代比亚和约谈判以来，穆阿维叶就已秘密皈依伊斯兰教。到632年，穆斯林的权威已扩展到整个阿拉伯半岛，麦地那则成为政治中心，作为穆罕默德缓和与古莱氏关系计划的一部分，穆阿维叶与其他十六位有文化的古莱氏青年一同成为先知的抄写员（卡提布），阿布·素福彦也迁居麦地那，以在新的穆斯林公社中维持自己的影响力。

担任叙利亚长官

早期军事生涯、行政晋升

Map of the region of Syria in the first decades of Islamic rule

632年穆罕默德去世，阿布·伯克尔接过领导重任，成为哈里发，他和接下来的三位哈里发欧麦尔、奥斯曼与阿里并称“正统哈里发”，区别于穆阿维叶及其继承者所属的倭马亚王朝。阿布·伯克尔上任之后，当初庇护穆罕默德，并成为穆斯林的麦地那当地人——辅士挑战他的权威，且许多之前接受伊斯兰教的阿拉伯部落也开始叛乱，迫使他向古莱氏部落，特别是其中最强大的两个氏族——迈赫祖姆氏族与倭马亚所属的阿布·沙姆氏族寻求支持以维持哈里发政权。他任命几位古莱氏成员前往镇压叛乱的诸部落，史称变节者战争（622-623年），其中包括穆阿维叶的兄弟耶齐德。之后他又于约634年任命四位将军前往征服叙利亚，其中包括耶齐德，穆阿维叶则负责指挥耶齐德的先锋部队。阿布·素福彦本就在大马士革附近拥有地产，通过这些任命，哈里发又让素福彦家族在叙利亚战争中分得一份成果。

636年，阿拉伯军在雅尔穆克战役中决定性地击败叙利亚的拜占庭军队，同年阿布·伯克尔的继承者欧麦尔（634-644年在位）任命穆罕默德的重要伙伴阿布·乌拜德·本·杰拉赫为叙利亚阿拉伯军总指挥，为彻底征服叙利亚奠定了基础。637年，穆阿维叶随同欧麦尔进入耶路撒冷。之后阿布·乌拜德派耶齐德于穆阿维叶前去征服西顿、贝鲁特与比布鲁斯，639年，阿布·乌拜德死于伊姆瓦斯瘟疫，欧麦尔分割了叙利亚军队的指挥权，耶齐德任大马士革驻军、约旦驻军、巴勒斯坦驻军指挥，资深将领伊亚德·本·甘姆任霍姆斯与贾兹拉（上美索不达米亚）长官。当年晚些时候，耶齐德也死于瘟疫，欧麦尔任命穆阿维叶为大马士革的军事、财政长官（可能也包括约旦）。640或641年，穆阿维叶攻占第一巴勒斯坦行省首府凯撒利亚，然后攻占亚实基伦，完成了穆斯林对巴勒斯坦的征服。早在641或642年，穆阿维叶可能就已发动攻打奇里乞亚的战役，一直深入到小亚细亚腹地的优海塔城。644年，他又领导了攻打阿莫里乌姆的战役。

欧麦尔一向努力削减古莱氏贵族在穆斯林国家中的影响力，扶持早期皈依的穆斯林，即迁士与辅士，但阿布·素福彦两个儿子的快速晋升似乎与此背道而驰。学者莱昂内·卡塔埃尼，这一例外源于欧麦尔对倭马亚氏族的个人尊重，但威尔弗雷德·马德隆质疑这种观点，认为欧麦尔只是缺乏选择，叙利亚缺少能代替穆阿维叶的人物，且由于瘟疫，他无法自麦地那派遣更合适的人选。

哈里发奥斯曼（属倭马亚氏族）即位后，巴勒斯坦被划入穆阿维叶的管辖范围，另一位圣伴乌迈尔·本·塞耳德·安萨里任霍姆斯-贾兹拉长官。646年末或647年初，奥斯曼又将霍姆斯-贾兹拉交给穆阿维叶统治，大大增加了他所能控制的军事力量。

巩固权力

奥斯曼在位时，穆阿维叶与叙利亚沙漠中占主导地位的凯勒卜部落结盟，该部落势力范围南到杜迈特·坚德尔盆地，北及巴尔米拉，还是遍及整个叙利亚的古达埃部落联盟的主要部落。凯勒卜部落在阿拉伯-拜占庭战争中基本保持中立，特别是在拜占庭帝国的首要阿拉伯盟友——信仰基督教的加萨尼王国拒绝穆斯林政府提出的倒戈请求之后，但麦地那政权也一直尝试拉拢凯勒卜部落。在伊斯兰教进入叙利亚之前，凯勒卜部落乃至整个古达埃部落联盟都长期受到希腊-阿拉米文化与一性论基督教影响，曾作为加萨尼王国的属民负责保卫拜占庭帝国的叙利亚边界，抵御萨珊王朝与其阿拉伯代理人莱赫米王国的侵扰。到穆斯林进入叙利亚时，他们已积累了丰富的战斗经验，且习惯于等级秩序与军事服从。为了利用他们的力量，把叙利亚建成自己的立足点，穆阿维叶于约650年娶了凯勒卜部落酋长贝赫德尔·本·乌奈弗的女儿迈松，还与迈松的堂亲奈伊勒·宾特·乌迈勒（Na'ila bint Umara）短暂结婚。

大征服后，阿拉伯部落迁徙的主要目的地是原属萨珊王朝的伊拉克，叙利亚移民相对较少，再加上瘟疫的沉重打击与穆阿维叶重用本地阿拉伯部落的政策，使叙利亚的阿拉伯驻军数量从637年的2,4万人锐减到639年的4千人。于是穆阿维叶采取了自由征兵的政策，使得相当数量的基督徒部落民与边疆地区的农民进入军队，，基督教的台努赫联盟与半基半穆的泰伊部落成为北叙利亚部队的一部分。为了支付军饷，穆阿维叶向哈里发请求叙利亚境内原有的拜占庭皇室土地，得到了奥斯曼的准许，这些土地肥沃、利润丰厚，欧麦尔原本规定其为穆斯林军队的公共财产。

叙利亚的乡村居民——说阿拉米语的基督教农民的生活呢状况基本没有改变，但大马士革、阿勒颇、拉塔基亚、的黎波里等城的说希腊语的城市居民纷纷逃至拜占庭帝国境内，留下来的人也有着亲拜占庭的情感。穆斯林征服一地后往往建立新的驻军城市以容纳穆斯林军队，实施统治，但在叙利亚，阿拉伯军直接进入现存的城市，包括大马士革、霍姆斯、耶路撒冷、提比里亚、阿勒颇与根奈斯林。穆阿维叶还修复沿海的安条克、巴尔达、塔尔图斯、迈勒吉耶、巴尼亚斯等城，移入人口并设置驻军，还命大批犹太人移入的黎波里。之前萨珊王朝短暂夺取叙利亚时，曾有部分波斯人定居下来，穆阿维叶把他们迁到霍姆斯、安条克与巴勒贝克。奉哈里发奥斯曼之名，穆阿维叶还安排游牧的台米木部落、阿萨德部落与盖斯部落迁徙到幼发拉底河以北的拉卡地区。

与拜占庭帝国的海战、征服亚美尼亚

穆阿维叶以的黎波里、贝鲁特、提尔、阿卡、雅法等海港为基地，在东地中海数次发动海上进攻拜占庭帝国的战役。穆阿维叶首先提出渡海征服塞浦路斯的计划，理由是该岛可能成为拜占庭军攻击叙利亚沿海地区的基地，而且可以被阿拉伯军轻松占领，但欧麦尔因担心穆斯林军队在海上的安全而拒绝，奥斯曼一开始也拒绝了这一提议，但终于647年允许穆阿维叶发起进攻。具体攻击的年份尚不能确定，阿拉伯史料给出的时间介于647-650年之间，而在塞浦路斯索利发现的希腊文铭文提到了648-650年之间的两次袭击。

根据9世纪史家拜拉祖里与哈里发·本·哈耶特的记载，穆阿维叶本人在他出身古莱氏奈乌法勒氏族的妻子凯特韦·宾特·盖勒泽·本·阿卜杜·阿慕尔（Katwa bint Qaraza ibn Abd Amr）及将领乌贝德·本·萨米特的陪同下，亲自指挥了这次突袭。凯特韦死在岛上，穆阿维叶又与她的姐妹菲希塔（Fakhita）结婚。另一种穆斯林记载则称是穆阿维叶的海军将领阿卜杜拉·本·盖斯领导，而且他还在进攻塞浦路斯岛之前在萨拉米斯岛登陆。两种记载都称塞浦路斯被迫向阿拉伯人缴纳与付给拜占庭政府的数额相等的贡金。穆阿维叶在岛上设置驻军并建立了清真寺以维持哈里发政权在岛上的影响力。之后双方在岛上均有势力，都以此为基地攻击对方的领土。岛上的居民很大程度上保持自治，考古证据表明，这一时期岛上相当繁荣。

这一时期穆阿维叶的海军掌握着东地中海的制海权，653年，阿拉伯海军又袭击了克里特岛与罗得岛，罗得岛的战果使得穆阿维叶能交纳相当多的战利给哈里发奥斯曼。644或645年，亚历山大的埃及穆斯林海军与叙利亚海军发起联合进攻，在吕基亚外海大败拜占庭皇帝君士坦斯二世（641-668年在位）亲自率领的舰队，迫使后者逃到西西里岛，史称船桅之战，之后阿拉伯舰队前往进攻君士坦丁堡，没能成功。这次行动的指挥者可能是埃及总督阿卜杜拉·本·赛耳德或是穆阿维叶的副手阿布·艾阿瓦尔。

之前阿拉伯人曾两次试图征服亚美尼亚，650年阿拉伯人的第三次进攻以穆阿维叶与拜占庭特使普罗科皮欧斯（Procopios）在大马士革签订三年和平条约尔告终。653年，亚美尼亚贵族狄奥多尔·厄勒什图尼向穆阿维叶投降，拜占庭军队也于此年撤出亚美尼亚，承认了事实。655年，穆阿维叶的副将赫比卜·本·麦斯莱麦·菲赫里攻陷狄奥多西波利斯（埃尔祖鲁姆），将狄奥多尔掳回叙利亚，稳固了阿拉伯人对亚美尼亚的控制。

第一次穆斯林内战

参见：第一次穆斯林内战

奥斯曼征用伊拉克的前萨珊王室土地及其任命一批亲属任重要职位的做法使得古莱氏族人与被剥夺权力的库法、埃及精英开始反对他。7世纪50年代，哈里发国的麦地那、埃及、库法等地区涌动着反对哈里发奥斯曼政策的风暴，但穆阿维叶的辖区基本没有收到影响，例外的是阿布·德尔·吉法里，他因公开反对奥斯曼任人唯亲而被遣送到大马士革，在那里，他又批评穆阿维叶建造的豪宅过于奢侈，不久又被驱逐出境。

656年6月，来自埃及的一伙不满分子围攻奥斯曼的住宅，迫使哈里发向穆阿维叶求援，后者派遣一支部队前往麦地那，但在路上听说奥斯曼已死，就退到了古拉谷。穆罕默德的堂弟兼女婿阿里随后在麦地那当选哈里发，穆阿维叶拒绝效忠 ，据某些史料讲，阿里还派自己的官员到叙利亚以罢免穆阿维叶，但后者不允许此人进入叙利亚。学者马德隆不认可这种说法，认为阿里上任的前七个月中，双方并没有正式的交流。

阿里上任不久后，许多古莱氏族人都出来反对他，他们的领袖是穆罕默德的重要伙伴泰勒海与左拜尔·本·阿瓦木以及先知的遗孀阿伊莎，他们都担心自己会在阿里治下失去影响力。随后爆发的内战被称为第一次“fitna”，意为“争斗、内战”。阿里在巴士拉附近击败了这三位领袖，左拜尔和泰勒海战死，阿伊莎被阿里送回麦地那，史称骆驼之战。此后阿里稳固了自己对伊拉克、阿拉伯半岛、埃及的控制，随后将目光转向穆阿维叶控制的叙利亚。与其他总督不同，穆阿维叶拥有强大而忠实的权力基础，要求为他的亲人奥斯曼报仇，其位置难以被轻易取代。但在此时，穆阿维叶还没有宣称哈里发之位，而是把精力放在稳固叙利亚上。

战争准备

阿里在巴士拉的胜利使穆阿维叶变得势单力孤，其领地被埃及与伊拉克的阿里势力包围，而且他还需与北面的拜占庭帝国作战。657或658年，穆阿维叶首先与拜占庭皇帝签订和平条约，以确保北部边境安全，集中精力准备即将到来的与阿里的战争。他未能说服埃及总督盖斯·本·萨阿德倒戈，于是决定放弃倭马亚家族对埃及的征服者、前总督，涉嫌参与谋杀奥斯曼的阿慕尔·本·阿绥的敌意。由于阿慕尔仍很受埃及驻军欢迎，穆阿维叶与他签订协议，阿慕尔加入穆阿维叶一边共同对抗阿里，穆阿维叶则承诺推翻埃及的阿里派总督后，任命阿慕尔为埃及终身总督。

尽管强大的凯勒卜部落坚定支持穆阿维叶，但他为了巩固对叙利亚其他地区的控制，接受了倭马亚族人韦立德·本·乌格贝的建议，试图稳固与希木叶尔部落、肯德部落、赫姆丹部落等组成霍姆斯驻军的也门（南阿拉伯）诸部落的联盟。他重用在叙利亚声名远扬的肯德部落著名贵族舒勒比·本·希姆特,以汇集也门诸部落的力量。通过宽恕朱哈姆部落酋长纳提尔·本·盖斯攫取地方国库的行为，他又获得了这一巴勒斯坦主要部落的支持。这些努力取得了成果，与阿里开战的呼声在穆阿维叶的领地不断高涨。阿里随后派遣贝吉莱部落酋长贾里尔·本·阿卜杜拉（Jarir ibn Abd Allah）出使穆阿维叶,在回信中，穆阿维叶拒绝承认哈里发的合法性，实际上宣布了与阿里开战。

绥芬战役与仲裁

主条目：隋芬战役

657年6月第一周，穆阿维叶与阿里的军队在拉卡附近的绥芬（Siffin）相遇，小规模冲突过后，双方于19日达成一个月的休战。休战期间，穆阿维叶派以赫比卜·本·麦斯莱麦·菲赫里为首的使团向阿里递交最后通牒，要求他交出所谓刺杀奥斯曼的凶手，退位并召开舒拉（协商会议）决定新哈里发的人选。阿里拒绝了要求，并于7月18日宣布叙利亚人仍然顽固地拒绝承认他的权威，随后，两军中的高级指挥官之间进行了持续一个星期的决斗，7月26日，双方开始大举交战。阿里的军队向穆阿维叶的大营冲锋，穆阿维叶也命叙利亚的精英部队前进，一开始叙利亚人占了上风，打退了伊拉克军队，但第二天形势逆转，穆阿维叶一方的两位名将战死，即哈里发欧麦尔之子乌拜杜拉·本·欧麦尔与所谓“希木叶尔之王”祖阿勒-凯拉·塞迈费。

绥芬战役中穆阿维叶军使用的旗帜（里瓦）

穆阿维叶拒绝了与阿里一对一决斗以终结仇恨的提议，7月28日，战斗达到高潮，史称“喧嚣之夜”，双方进行了残酷的肉搏战，尽管两边伤亡都不断增加，阿里军还是占了绝对优势。根据史家左海里（742年去世）的记载，这种局势使得阿慕尔·本·阿绥于次日早晨向穆阿维叶提出建议，让士兵将《古兰经》的篇章捆在长矛尖上，以此表示愿与阿里的伊拉克军队谈判。史家舍耳比（723年去世）则称，阿里军中的艾什阿斯·本·盖斯对内战表示担忧，认为拜占庭人与波斯人会趁穆斯林精疲力竭时发动进攻，穆阿维叶探得这一情报后，下令士兵以长矛举起《古兰经》。尽管这一行为某种意义上是穆阿维叶的让步，因为他放弃了此前坚持的以武力讨伐阿里，追捕藏在伊拉克的杀害奥斯曼凶手的主张，但谈判也在阿里军中播下了不和与不确定性的种子。

阿里遵从自己军中多数人的意见，接受了举行仲裁的提议，他还同意了阿慕尔或穆阿维叶提出的要求，在最初的仲裁文件中放弃哈里发的主要头衔“信士们的长官” 。根据学者休·肯尼迪的说法，这使得阿里“需以平等的地位与穆阿维叶谈判，放弃了他领导穆斯林社群的无可争辩的权力”。马德隆则称此举让“穆阿维叶在道义上获胜”，引发了“阿里手下的灾难性分裂”。658年9月阿里返回库法，他军中反对仲裁的战士大多叛逃，形成了哈瓦利吉派运动。

双方达成的初步协议决定推迟仲裁，早期穆斯林记载中关于仲裁时间、地点、结果的记载十分混乱，阿里的代表阿布·穆萨·艾什尔里与穆阿维叶的代表阿慕尔可能会面两次，第一次在杜迈特·坚德尔举行，第二次在乌兹卢赫举行。阿里的代表阿布·穆萨与阿慕尔不同，并不太在意他主公的成败，第一次会议上，他接受了叙利亚方提出的奥斯曼死于非命的说法，这正是阿里所一直反对的问题，应穆阿维叶要求举行的第二次会议在混乱中失败了，但穆阿维叶在争夺哈里发之位中已获得了更大的优势。

自称哈里发，战争继续

Map of the First Fitna. The areas shaded in green, namely the regions of Iraq, Arabia, Persia and the Caucasus, and pink, namely the regions of Syria and Egypt, respectively represent the territories under Caliph Ali's and Mu'awiya's control in 658.

谈判破裂后，阿慕尔与其他代表返回大马士革，他们称穆阿维叶为“信士们的长官”，实际上承认了他的哈里发地位。658年4月或5月，穆阿维叶接受了叙利亚人的宣誓效忠。作为回应，阿里断绝了与穆阿维叶的联系，重新动员军队，并在晨祷中诅咒穆阿维叶与其亲信，穆阿维叶也在自己的领地内如法炮制，诅咒阿里及其亲信。

埃及的服从阿里的总督，阿布·伯克尔之子穆罕默德·本·阿布·伯克尔先前镇压了省内支持奥斯曼（反阿里）的力量，7月，穆阿维叶派阿慕尔率一支部队前往埃及，打败了总督的部队，占领省会福斯塔特，穆罕默德被埃及反对派领袖穆阿维叶·本·胡代杰·基迪处死。失去埃及严重打击了阿里的威信，他本人也在与哈瓦利吉派的战斗中陷入困境，对巴士拉以及伊拉克东部、南部的控制力有所下降。尽管穆阿维叶的力量增强，但他没有对阿里发起直接攻击，而是设法贿赂支持阿里的部落首领令其倒戈，并骚扰伊拉克西部边区的居民：第一次袭击由德赫克·本·盖斯·菲赫里指挥，攻击力库法以西的沙漠中的穆斯林游牧人与朝圣者；第二次攻击中，努阿曼·本·贝希尔·安萨里攻击艾因·泰穆尔不成功；660年夏天，素福彦·本·艾乌夫成功袭击了希特与安巴尔两地。

659或660年，穆阿维叶又向希贾兹发起攻击，派阿卜杜拉·本·麦斯阿德·费扎里向泰马绿洲的居民征收慈善金并要求他们向穆阿维叶宣誓效忠，但这支部队被库法军队击败，660年4月，另一次要求麦加的古莱氏成员效忠的尝试也告失败。

夏季，穆阿维叶派布斯尔·本·艾比·艾尔塔特率一支大军前往征服希贾兹与也门，他指示布斯尔在不造成伤害的情况下恐吓麦地那居民，饶恕麦加居民，但要杀死每一个不愿效忠的也门人。布斯尔相继前往麦地那、麦加与塔伊夫，没有受到抵抗，三城都承认了穆阿维叶的地位。在也门，布斯尔在奈季兰及其周边处死几位著名人物，或是因为他们过去批评奥斯曼，也可能是因为他们与阿里有联系；屠杀了赫姆丹部落的许多成员以及萨那与马里卜的市民。他本欲继续向哈德拉毛进军，但库法的援军赶到，他赶在两军相遇前撤退。布斯尔在阿拉伯半岛的征战促使阿里的军队团结起来，准备进攻穆阿维叶，但661年1月，阿里突然遇刺而死，远征没有发动。

哈里发生涯

登位

阿里死后，其子哈桑继承了父亲的权位，穆阿维叶则命德赫克·本·盖斯·菲赫里留守叙利亚，自己率军向库法进军 。穆阿维叶贿赂了哈桑的先头部队指挥官乌拜杜拉·本·阿拔斯（Ubayd Allah ibn Abbas）使其遁逃，并派遣使者直接与哈桑谈判。最终哈桑同意退位并得到了金钱上的补偿，穆阿维叶则于661年7月或9月进入库法，被承认为哈里发。许多早期穆斯林史料称这一年为“统一年”，并认为这是穆阿维叶哈里发任期的真正开始。

阿里去世前后，穆阿维叶于耶路撒冷接受了一次或两次的正式宣誓效忠，第一次在660年底或661年初举行，第二次在661年7月举行。10世纪的耶路撒冷人地理学家麦格迪西记载道，穆阿维叶扩建了哈里发欧麦尔在圣殿山上开始的清真寺工程。即阿克萨清真寺的前身，并在那里接受了正式效忠誓言。而据现存年代最早的记载穆阿维叶在耶路撒冷即位的史料——与此事近乎同时代的一位不知名的叙利亚基督徒的撰写的《马龙派编年史》中的记载，穆阿维叶接受了诸部落首领的效忠，并在圣殿山附近的各各他与客西马尼园的圣母玛利亚之墓祈祷，编年史也提到，穆阿维叶“没有像世界各地其他国王那样戴上王冠”。

治理叙利亚

A Greek inscription crediting Mu'awiya for restoring the Roman-era bath facilities at Hamat Gader in 663, the sole epigraphic attestation of Mu'awiya's rule in Syria, the center of his caliphate

早期穆斯林史料没有记载多少穆阿维叶在其统治中心叙利亚施政的情况。他在大马士革建立了自己的宫廷，并把哈里发的国库从库法移到大马士革。他所依赖的主要是约有10万人的叙利亚部落的军队并通过削减伊拉克驻军（同样约有10万人）的军饷提高他们的收入{sfn|Kennedy|2001|p=20}}。2千名来自古达埃联盟与肯德部落的贵族——支持穆阿维叶的核心群体——得到了可继承的，最高等的年金，并且被赋予了参与决定国家大事，反对或支持各种举措的权力。古达埃与肯德部落各自的领袖，凯勒卜部落酋长伊本·贝赫德尔和以霍姆斯为基地的舒勒比·本·希姆特，与古莱氏族人阿卜杜-拉赫曼·本·哈立德（名将哈立德·本·瓦利德之子）、德赫克·本·盖斯·菲赫里这四人组成了穆阿维叶的叙利亚核心权力圈子。

早期穆斯林史料将建立邮政（barid）、通信（rasa'il）、总理（khatam）等底万（政府部门）的举措归功于穆阿维叶。根据塔巴里的说法，661年一个哈瓦利吉派布勒克·本·阿卜杜拉（al-Burak ibn Abd Allah）在大马士革的清真寺行刺穆阿维叶未遂，此后哈里发便设置了个人卫队（赫莱斯）、精英卫队（舒尔塔），并在清真寺中设立专属区域（麦格苏赖以保护自己的安全。哈里发的国库很大程度上依靠叙利亚的赋税以及伊拉克、阿拉伯半岛的前（萨珊）王室土地的收入，他的手下将领远征时获得的常规战利品的五分之一也要上交哈里发。穆阿维叶还面临着在贾兹拉地区涌入大量游牧部落的问题，新涌入的居民包括穆达尔部落与赖比阿部落的成员、巴士拉与库法来的内战难民等，根据8世纪史家赛弗·本·欧麦尔的说法，为了应对这一变化，穆阿维叶自霍姆斯驻军区中划分出根奈斯林驻军区兼管贾兹拉。但白拉祖里认为这一变化是穆阿维叶之子耶齐德一世（680-683年在位）所为。

叙利亚保留了拜占庭时期的官僚系统，其工作人员主要是基督徒，包括税收部门的首脑塞尔仲·本·曼苏尔。塞尔仲自穆阿维叶成为哈里发前就已担任同样的职务，他的父亲曼苏尔则很可能在拜占庭皇帝希拉克略（610-641年在位）手下担任同样的职务。穆阿维叶对占叙利亚人口多数的基督徒采取了容忍的态度，给了他们至少不亚于拜占庭时期的待遇，因此基督教社群也对他的统治感到满意。穆阿维叶试图铸造他自己的货币，但叙利亚人拒绝使用新币，因为上面没有十字架的图案。穆阿维叶在叙利亚统治的唯一实物证明——一块在太巴列湖附近的哈马特·加德温泉发现的663年的希腊语铭文上称哈里发为“阿卜杜拉（真主之仆）·穆阿维叶，信士们的长官”，哈里发的名字前面还有个十字架，称赞他为了病人的福祉修复了罗马时代的浴场。学者伊扎尔·赫希菲尔德认为，这也是“哈里发试图取悦”基督徒的举措。哈里发经常在位于太巴列湖附近的辛纳卜莱行宫过冬，他也曾出资修复被679年的地震毁坏的埃德萨教堂，还表现出对耶路撒冷的兴趣。尽管缺乏考古证据，中世纪文献中的证据表明圣殿山上的一座简陋清真寺是由穆阿维叶修建的，或者说在穆阿维叶的时代已经存在。

各省治理

穆阿维叶在国内面临的挑战主要是监护根基于叙利亚的中央政府，使其能重新将政治、社会上分裂的哈里发国统一起来，并确保其对组成哈里发的军队的各部落的权威。他对组成哈里发国的各省实行间接统治，任命拥有民事、军事全权的总督前往治理。尽管原则上各地官员需要将税收的盈余部分交给哈里发，但实际上大部分盈余都被省内的驻军侵吞，大马士革的中央政府只能得到微不足道的剩余部分。在穆阿维叶时代，地方总督的权力也依赖于各部落首领（ashraf），因为后者扮演了组成驻军的各部落成员与官员权威之间的中间角色。穆阿维叶的治国之道可能受到了他那喜欢利用自己的财富建立政治同盟的父亲的影响 ，相比直接对抗，穆阿维叶更喜欢用贿赂来解决问题。学者肯尼迪总结道，穆阿维叶的统治方式是“与各省的当权者达成合作，奖励愿意与他合作的人，与尽可能多的权贵建立关系，让他们加入自己的事业”。

伊拉克与东部

Sasanian-style silver dirham minted in Mu'awiya's name in Pahlavi script from the Fasa mint of Darabjird, 约674

伊拉克是挑战中央权威，特别挑战穆阿维叶个人的情绪最激烈的地区。这一省份中，各部落首领（ashraf）所代表的战争暴发户与正在形成的穆斯林精英见存在着巨大的矛盾，而后一群体又分裂为阿里的支持者和哈瓦利吉派。穆阿维叶执政后，以阿里曾经的支持者艾什阿斯·本·盖斯和贾里尔·本·阿卜杜拉（Jarir ibn Abd Allah）为代表的居住在库法的部落首领们势力逐渐强大，阿里派的胡杰尔·本·阿迪和易卜拉欣·本·艾什特尔（阿里的主要助手麦立克·艾什特尔之子）渐失权势。661年，穆阿维叶选择让长期在伊拉克担任行政、军事职务，熟悉当地情况与各种问题的穆吉雷·本·舒阿贝担任库法总督。后者的任期持续了将近十年，在此期间，他维持了城中局势的稳定，无视不危及统治的违法行为，允许库法人继续持有吉巴勒地区利润丰厚的萨珊王室领地，并且与之前的总督不同，他能够及时地支付驻军的军饷。

在巴士拉，穆阿维叶任命同属阿布·沙姆氏族的亲戚，还曾在奥斯曼手下任职的阿卜杜拉·本·埃米尔为总督。阿卜杜拉在其任上重新开始远征锡斯坦，最远到达喀布尔，但巴士拉人对远征异国越来越不满，使得他无法维持统治。穆阿维叶因此于664/665年将其罢免，代以齐亚德·本·艾比希。阿里死时，齐亚德任法尔斯长官，他拒不承认穆阿维叶的权威，据守伊什塔克尔城不出，时任巴士拉总督布斯尔曾威胁要处死他的三个儿子以逼他投降，齐亚德最终在他的师长库法总督穆吉雷的劝说下于663年选择服从穆阿维叶。在穆阿维叶看来，齐亚德是最有能力管理巴士拉的人，为了确保他的忠诚，穆阿维叶不顾儿子叶齐德以及阿卜杜拉·本·埃米尔甚至居住在希贾兹的倭马亚族人的不满，宣布认齐亚德为他同父异母的兄弟（齐亚德生父身份不明）。

670年后库法总督穆吉雷去世，穆阿维叶将库法及其辖地交由齐亚德管辖，使他事实上成为整个哈里发国东半部的长官。在任上，齐亚德解决了伊拉克的核心经济问题，即驻军城镇人口过多带来的资源短缺，方法是设法清退了一批津贴领取者，并调5万伊拉克士兵及其家属到呼罗珊定居。这一举措加强了阿拉伯人在呼罗珊这一原本控制虚弱、不稳定的极东省份的力量，并有助于进一步征服河中。在库法，他还没收了其驻军的共有地，这些土地最终成为哈里发的财产。库法的一位人物胡杰尔·本·艾迪（Hujr ibn Adi）原本致力宣传阿里派思想，前任总督穆吉雷容忍了他的行为 ，这时他又发起了反对没收土地的运动，但被齐亚德毫不犹豫地镇压。胡杰尔与他的随从被送到穆阿维叶处接受惩罚，穆阿维叶对他们处以死刑，此事成为伊斯兰历史上第一次政治性死刑，也成为后来库法阿里派起事的千兆。673年齐亚德去世，之后的几年里，穆阿维叶逐渐将其全部总督官职授予他的儿子乌拜杜拉。通过任命穆吉雷、齐亚德及齐亚德的儿子，穆阿维叶实际也是将哈里发国东半部的管理权交给了有权势的塞吉夫部落成员，这一族与穆阿维叶所属的古莱氏部落长期关系密切，且在征服伊拉克中发挥了重要作用。

埃及

在埃及，与穆阿维叶合力对抗阿里的埃及征服者阿慕尔按协议继续掌握政权，并被允许自己保留税收的盈余部分（常规来讲要上交哈里发），与其说他是哈里发的臣子，不如说他是哈里发的合伙人，这种局面持续到他于664年去世。哈里发下令恢复了内战以来中断的埃及到麦地那的谷物与食用油运输，阿慕尔死后，他先后任命自己的兄弟乌特贝·本·艾比·素福彦（664-665年在任）及穆罕默德的同伴乌格贝·本·阿米尔（665-667年在任），最后是麦斯莱麦·本·穆赫莱德为埃及总督。麦斯莱麦得以留任到穆阿维叶去世，他大规模扩建了福斯塔特城及其清真寺，674年，由于亚历山大容易遭受拜占庭帝国的海上袭击，他还将埃及的主要海军基地从亚历山大转移到福斯塔特附近的劳代岛，进一步提高了这座城市的地位。

阿拉伯人在埃及的主要存在基本局限于首府福斯塔特的驻军以及亚历山大的少量军队。658年，阿慕尔带来了一支叙利亚军队，673年，齐亚德又派来部分巴士拉军队，使得福斯塔特的驻军由1.5万增加到4万。总督乌格贝还将亚历山大的驻军加到1.2万，并在城里建立了总督官邸。但城内的希腊裔基督徒敌视阿拉伯人的统治，乌特贝在亚历山大的副手抱怨凭他的军队无法控制城市，于是穆阿维叶从叙利亚和麦地那派1.5万人到亚历山大。与伊拉克的驻军相比，埃及的军人算得上安分，尽管也会有一些福斯塔特驻军偶尔反对穆阿维叶的政策。在麦斯莱麦任上，穆阿维叶打算没收位于法尤姆的公地，交给儿子叶齐德，激起了驻军的大规模抗议，最终哈里发被迫收回成命。

阿拉伯

尽管为倭马亚氏族的哈里发奥斯曼报仇是当初穆阿维叶起事争夺哈里发之位的理由，但他既没有效法奥斯曼赋予倭马亚族人权力的政策，也没有利用族人来巩固自己的权力。除少数例外外，倭马亚族人基本没有在富裕的省份或中央任职的，但多数倭马亚族人乃至古莱氏部落的旧贵族仍在哈里发国的旧都麦地那享有权威，穆阿维叶则试图把他们的权力限制在那里。The loss of political power left the Umayyads of Medina resentful toward Mu'awiya, who may have become wary of the political ambitions of the much larger Abu al-As branch of the clan—to which Uthman had belonged—under the leadership of Marwan ibn al-Hakam. The caliph attempted to weaken the clan by provoking internal divisions. Among the measures taken was the replacement of Marwan from the governorship of Medina in 668 with another leading Umayyad, Sa'id ibn al-As. The latter was instructed to demolish Marwan's house, but refused and when Marwan was restored in 674, he also refused Mu'awiya's order to demolish Sa'id's house. Mu'awiya dismissed Marwan once more in 678, replacing him with his own nephew, al-Walid ibn Utba. Besides his own clan, Mu'awiya's relations with the Banu Hashim (the clan of Muhammad and Caliph Ali), the families of Muhammad's closest companions, the once-prominent Banu Makhzum, and the Ansar was generally characterized by suspicion or outright hostility.

Despite his relocation to Damascus, Mu'awiya remained fond of his original homeland and made known his longing for "the spring in Juddah [sic], the summer in Ta'if, [and] the winter in Mecca". He purchased several large tracts throughout Arabia and invested considerable sums to develop the lands for agricultural use. According to the Muslim literary tradition, in the plain of Arafat and the barren valley of Mecca he dug numerous wells and canals, constructed dams and dikes to protect the soil from seasonal floods, and built fountains and reservoirs. His efforts saw extensive grain fields and date palm groves spring up across Mecca's suburbs, which remained in this state until deteriorating during the Abbasid era, which began in 750. In the Yamama region in central Arabia, Mu'awiya confiscated from the Banu Hanifa the lands of Hadarim, where he employed 4,000 slaves, likely to cultivate its fields. The caliph gained possession of estates in and near Ta'if which, together with the lands of his brothers Anbasa and Utba, formed a considerable cluster of properties.

One of the earliest known Arabic inscriptions from Mu'awiya's reign was found at a soil-conservation dam called Sayisad 32千米（20英里） east of Ta'if, which credits Mu'awiya for the dam's construction in 677 or 678 and asks God to give him victory and strength. Mu'awiya is also credited as the patron of a second dam called al-Khanaq 15千米（9.3英里） east of Medina, according to an inscription found at the site. This is possibly the dam between Medina and the gold mines of the Banu Sulaym tribe attributed to Mu'awiya by the historians al-Harbi (d. 898) and al-Samhudi (d. 1533).

与拜占庭帝国作战

Map showing the raids, battles and naval engagements between the Arab Caliphate and Byzantine during Mu'awiya's governorship of Syria (640–661) and Mu'awiya's caliphate (661–680).

Mu'awiya possessed more personal experience than any other caliph fighting the Byzantines, the principal external threat to the Caliphate, and pursued the war against the Empire more energetically and continuously than his successors. The First Fitna caused the Arabs to lose control over Armenia to native, pro-Byzantine princes, but in 661 Habib ibn Maslama re-invaded the region. The following year, Armenia became a tributary of the Caliphate and Mu'awiya recognized the Armenian prince Grigor Mamikonian as its commander. Not long after the civil war, Mu'awiya broke the truce with Byzantium, and on a near-annual or bi-annual basis the caliph engaged his Syrian troops in raids across the mountainous Anatolian frontier, the buffer zone between the Empire and the Caliphate. At least until Abd al-Rahman ibn Khalid's death in 666, Homs served as the principal marshaling point for the offensives, and afterward Antioch served this purpose as well. The bulk of the troops fighting on the Anatolian and Armenian fronts hailed from the tribal groups that arrived from Arabia during and after the conquest. During his caliphate, Mu'awiya continued his past efforts to resettle and fortify the Syrian port cities. Due to the reticence of Arab tribesmen to inhabit the coastlands, in 663 Mu'awiya moved Persian civilians and personnel that he had previously settled in the Syrian interior into Acre and Tyre, and transferred Asawira, elite Persian soldiers, from Kufa and Basra to the garrison at Antioch. A few years later, Mu'awiya settled Apamea with 5,000 Slavs who had defected from the Byzantines during one of his forces' Anatolian campaigns.

Based on the histories of al-Tabari (d. 923) and Agapius of Hierapolis (d. 941), the first raid of Mu'awiya's caliphate occurred in 662 or 663, during which his forces inflicted a heavy defeat on a Byzantine army with numerous patricians slain. In the next year a raid led by Busr reached Constantinople and in 664 or 665, Abd al-Rahman ibn Khalid raided Koloneia in northeastern Anatolia. In the late 660s, Mu'awiya's forces attacked Antioch of Pisidia or Antioch of Isauria. Following the death of Constans II in July 668, Mu'awiya oversaw an increasingly aggressive policy of naval warfare against the Byzantines. According to the early Muslim sources, raids against the Byzantines peaked between 668 and 669. In each of those years there occurred six ground campaigns and a major naval campaign, the first by an Egyptian and Medinese fleet and the second by an Egyptian and Syrian fleet. The culmination of the campaigns was an assault on Constantinople, but the chronologies of the Arabic, Syriac, and Byzantine sources are contradictory. The traditional view by modern historians is of a great series of naval-borne assaults against Constantinople in 约674–678, based on the history of the Byzantine chronicler Theophanes the Confessor (d. 818).

However, the dating and the very historicity of this view has been challenged; the Oxford scholar James Howard-Johnston considers that no siege of Constantinople took place, and that the story was inspired by the actual siege a generation later. The historian Marek Jankowiak on the other hand, in a revisionist reconstruction of the events reliant on the Arabic and Syriac sources, asserts that the assault came earlier than what is reported by Theophanes, and that the multitude of campaigns that were reported during 668–669 represented the coordinated efforts by Mu'awiya to conquer the Byzantine capital. Al-Tabari reports that Mu'awiya's son Yazid led a campaign against Constantinople in 669 and Ibn Abd al-Hakam reports that the Egyptian and Syrian navies joined the assault, led by Uqba ibn Amir and Fadala ibn Ubayd respectively. According to Jankowiak, Mu'awiya likely ordered the invasion during an opportunity presented by the rebellion of the Byzantine Armenian general Saborios, who formed a pact with the caliph, in spring 667. The caliph dispatched an army under Fadala, but before it could be joined by the Armenians, Saborios died. Mu'awiya then sent reinforcements led by Yazid who led the Arab army's invasion in the summer. An Arab fleet reached the Sea of Marmara by autumn, while Yazid and Fadala, having raided Chalcedon through the winter, besieged Constantinople in spring 668, but due to famine and disease, lifted the siege in late June. The Arabs continued their campaigns in Constantinople's vicinity before withdrawing to Syria most likely in late 669.

In 669, Mu'awiya's navy raided as far as Sicily. The following year, the wide-scale fortification of Alexandria was completed. While the histories of al-Tabari and al-Baladhuri report that Mu'awiya's forces captured Rhodes in 672–674 and colonized the island for seven years before withdrawing during the reign of Yazid I, the modern historian Clifford Edmund Bosworth casts doubt on these events and holds that the island was only raided by Mu'awiya's lieutenant Junada ibn Abi Umayya al-Azdi in 679 or 680. Under Emperor Constantine IV (r. 668–685), the Byzantines began a counteroffensive against the Caliphate, first raiding Egypt in 672 or 673, while in winter 673, Mu'awiya's admiral Abd Allah ibn Qays led a large fleet that raided Smyrna and the coasts of Cilicia and Lycia. The Byzantines landed a major victory against an Arab army and fleet led by Sufyan ibn Awf, possibly at Sillyon, in 673 or 674. The next year, Abd Allah ibn Qays and Fadala landed in Crete and in 675 or 676, a Byzantine fleet assaulted Maraqiya, killing the governor of Homs.

In 677, 678 or 679 Mu'awiya sued for peace with Constantine IV, possibly as a result of the destruction of his fleet or the Byzantines' deployment of the Mardaites in the Syrian littoral during that time. A thirty-year treaty was concluded, obliging the Caliphate to pay an annual tribute of 3,000 gold coins, 50 horses and 30 slaves, and withdraw their troops from the forward bases they had occupied on the Byzantine coast. Although the Muslims did not achieve any permanent territorial gains in Anatolia during Mu'awiya's career, the frequent raids provided Mu'awiya's Syrian troops with war spoils and tribute, which helped ensure their continued allegiance, and sharpened their combat skills. Moreover, Mu'awiya's prestige was boosted and the Byzantines were precluded from any concerted campaigns against Syria.

征服北非中部

A map depicting growth of the Caliphate. During the reign of Mu'awiya, the Muslims conquered the region of Ifriqiya (central North Africa; shaded in purple)

Although the Arabs had not advanced beyond Cyrenaica since the 640s other than periodic raids, the expeditions against Byzantine North Africa were renewed during Mu'awiya's reign. In 665 or 666 Ibn Hudayj led an army which raided Byzacena (southern district of Byzantine Africa) and Gabes and temporarily captured Bizerte before withdrawing to Egypt. The following year Mu'awiya dispatched Fadala and Ruwayfi ibn Thabit to raid the commercially valuable island of Djerba. Meanwhile, in 662 or 667, Uqba ibn Nafi, a Qurayshite commander who had played a key role in the Arabs' capture of Cyrenaica in 641, reasserted Muslim influence in the Fezzan region, capturing the Zawila oasis and the Garamantes capital of Germa. He may have raided as far south as Kawar in modern-day Niger.

A statue representing Uqba ibn Nafi, the Arab commander who conquered Ifriqiya and founded Kairouan in 670, during Mu'awiya's reign. Uqba served as Mu'awiya's lieutenant governor over North Africa until the caliph dismissed him in 673.

The struggle over the succession of Constantine IV drew Byzantine focus away from the African front. In 670, Mu'awiya appointed Uqba as Egypt's deputy governor over the North African lands under Arab control west of Egypt. At the head of a 10,000-strong force, Uqba commenced his expedition against the territories west of Cyrenaica. As he advanced, his army was joined by Islamized Luwata Berbers and their combined forces conquered Ghadamis, Gafsa and the Jarid. In the last region he established a permanent Arab garrison town called Kairouan, at a relatively safe distance from Carthage and the coastal areas, which had remained under Byzantine control, to serve as a base for further expeditions. It also aided Muslim conversion efforts among the Berber tribes that dominated the surrounding countryside.

Mu'awiya dismissed Uqba in 673, probably out of concern that he would form an independent power base in the lucrative regions that he had conquered. The new Arab province, Ifriqiya (modern-day Tunisia), remained subordinate to the governor of Egypt, who sent his mawla (non-Arab, Muslim freedman) Abu al-Muhajir Dinar to replace Uqba, who was arrested and transferred to Mu'awiya's custody in Damascus. Abu al-Muhajir continued the westward campaigns as far as Tlemcen and defeated the Awraba Berber chief Kasila, who subsequently embraced Islam and joined his forces. In 678, a treaty between the Arabs and the Byzantines ceded Byzacena to the Caliphate, while forcing the Arabs to withdraw from the northern parts of the province. After Mu'awiya's death, his successor Yazid reappointed Uqba, Kasila defected and a Byzantine–Berber alliance ended Arab control over Ifriqiya, which was not reestablished until the reign of Caliph Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (r. 685–705).

提名耶齐德为继承人

In a move unprecedented in Islamic politics, Mu'awiya nominated his own son, Yazid, as his successor. The caliph likely held ambitions for his son's succession over a considerable period. In 666, he allegedly had his governor in Homs, Abd al-Rahman ibn Khalid, poisoned to remove him as a potential rival to Yazid. The Syrian Arabs, with whom Abd al-Rahman ibn Khalid was popular, had viewed the governor as the caliph's most suitable successor by dint of his military record and descent from Khalid ibn al-Walid.

It was not until the latter half of his reign that Mu'awiya publicly declared Yazid heir apparent, though the early Muslim sources offer divergent details about the timing and location of the events relating to the decision. The accounts of al-Mada'ini (752–843) and Ibn al-Athir (1160–1232) agree that al-Mughira was the first to suggest that Yazid be acknowledged as Mu'awiya's successor and that Ziyad supported the nomination with the caveat that Yazid abandon impious activities which could arouse opposition from the Muslim polity. According to al-Tabari, Mu'awiya publicly announced his decision in 675 or 676 and demanded oaths of allegiance be given to Yazid. Ibn al-Athir alone relates that delegations from all the provinces were summoned to Damascus where Mu'awiya lectured them on his rights as ruler, their duties as subjects and Yazid's worthy qualities, which was followed by the calls of al-Dahhak ibn Qays and other courtiers that Yazid be recognized as the caliph's successor. The delegates lent their support, with the exception of the senior Basran nobleman al-Ahnaf ibn Qays, who was ultimately bribed into compliance. Al-Mas'udi (896–956) and al-Tabari do not mention provincial delegations other than a Basran embassy led by Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad in 678–679 or 679–680, respectively, which recognized Yazid.

According to Hinds, in addition to Yazid's nobility, age and sound judgement, "most important of all" was his connection to the Kalb. The Kalb-led Quda'a confederation was the foundation of Sufyanid rule and Yazid's succession signaled the continuation of this alliance. In nominating Yazid, the son of the Kalbite Maysun, Mu'awiya bypassed his older son Abd Allah from his Qurayshite wife Fakhita. Alhough support from the Kalb and the Quda'a was guaranteed, Mu'awiya exhorted Yazid to widen his tribal support base in Syria. As the Qaysites were the predominant element in the northern frontier armies, Mu'awiya's appointment of Yazid to lead the war efforts with Byzantium may have served to foster Qaysite support for his nomination. Mu'awiya's efforts to that end were not entirely successful as reflected in a line by a Qaysite poet: "we will never pay allegiance to the son of a Kalbi woman [i.e. Yazid]".

In Medina, Mu'awiya's distant kinsmen Marwan ibn al-Hakam, Sa'id ibn al-As and Ibn Amir accepted Mu'awiya's succession order, albeit disapprovingly. Most opponents of Mu'awiya's order in Iraq and among the Umayyads and Quraysh of the Hejaz were ultimately threatened or bribed into acceptance. The remaining principle opposition emanated from Husayn ibn Ali, Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, Abd Allah ibn Umar and Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr, all prominent Medina-based sons of earlier caliphs or close companions of Muhammad. As they possessed the nearest claims to the caliphate, Mu'awiya was determined to obtain their recognition. According to the historian Awana ibn al-Hakam (d. 764), before his death, Mu'awiya ordered certain measures to be taken against them, entrusting these tasks to his loyalists al-Dahhak ibn Qays and Muslim ibn Uqba.

去世

Mu'awiya died from an illness in Damascus in Rajab 60 AH (April or May 680 CE), at around the age of 80. The medieval accounts vary regarding the specific date of his death, with Hisham ibn al-Kalbi (d. 819) placing it on 7 April, al-Waqidi on 21 April and al-Mada'ini on 29 April. Yazid, who was away from Damascus at the time of his father's death, is held by Abu Mikhnaf (d. 774) to have succeeded him on 7 April, while the Nestorian chronicler Elias of Nisibis (d. 1046) says it occurred on 21 April. In his last testament, Mu'awiya told his family "Fear God, Almighty and Great, for God, praise Him, protects whoever fears Him, and there is no protector for one who does not fear God". He was buried next to the Bab al-Saghir gate of the city and the funeral prayers were led by al-Dahhak ibn Qays, who mourned Mu'awiya as the "stick of the Arabs and the blade of the Arabs, by means of whom God, Almighty and Great, cut off strife, whom He made sovereign over mankind, by means of whom he conquered countries, but now he has died".

Mu'awiya's grave was a visitation site as late as the 10th century. Al-Mas'udi holds that a mausoleum was built over the grave and was open to visitors on Mondays and Thursdays. Ibn Taghribirdi asserts that Ahmad ibn Tulun, the autonomous 9th-century ruler of Egypt and Syria, erected a structure on the grave in 883 or 884 and employed members of the public to regularly recite the Qur'an and light candles around the tomb.

评价与影响

Genealogical tree of the Sufyanids, the ruling family of the Caliphate (661–684) established by Mu'awiya

Like Uthman, Mu'awiya adopted the title khalifat Allah ('deputy of God'), instead of khalifat rasul Allah ('deputy of the messenger of God'), the title used by the other caliphs who preceded him. The title may have implied political as well as religious authority and divine sanctioning. He is reported by al-Baladhuri to have said "The earth belongs to God and I am the deputy of God". Nevertheless, whatever the absolutist connotations the title may have had, Mu'awiya evidently did not impose this religious authority. Instead, he governed indirectly like a supra-tribal chief using alliances with provincial ashraf, his personal skills, persuasive power, and wit.

Apart from his war with Ali, he did not deploy his Syrian troops domestically, and often used monetary gifts as a tool to avoid conflict. In Julius Wellhausen's assessment, Mu'awiya was an accomplished diplomat "allowing matters to ripen of themselves, and only now and then assisting their progress". He further states that Mu'awiya had the ability to identify and employ the most talented men at his service and made even those whom he distrusted work for him.

In the view of the historian Patricia Crone, Mu'awiya's successful rule was facilitated by the tribal composition of Syria. There, the Arabs who formed his support base were distributed throughout the countryside and were dominated by a single confederation, the Quda'a. This was in contrast to Iraq and Egypt, where the diverse tribal composition of the garrison towns meant that the government had no cohesive support base and had to create a delicate balance between the opposing tribal groups. As evidenced by the disintegration of Ali's Iraqi alliance, maintaining this balance was untenable. In her view, Mu'awiya's taking advantage of the tribal circumstances in Syria prevented the dissolution of the Caliphate in the civil war. In the words of the orientalist Martin Hinds, the success of Mu'awiya's style of governance is "attested by the fact that he managed to hold his kingdom together without ever having to resort to using his Syrian troops".

In the long-term, Mu'awiya's system proved precarious and unviable. Reliance on personal relations meant his government was dependent on paying and pleasing its agents instead of commanding them. This created a "system of indulgence", according to Crone. The governors became increasingly unaccountable and amassed personal wealth. The tribal balance on which he relied was insecure and a slight fluctuation would lead to factionalism and infighting. When Yazid became caliph, he continued his father's model. Controversial as his nomination had been, he had to face the rebellions of Husayn and Ibn al-Zubayr. Although he was able to defeat them with the help of his governors and the Syrian army, the system fractured as soon as he died in November 683. The provincial ashraf defected to Ibn al-Zubayr, as did the Qaysite tribes, who had migrated to Syria during Mu'awiya's reign and were opposed to the Quda'a confederation on whom Sufyanid power rested. In a matter of months the authority of Yazid's successor, Mu'awiya II, was restricted to Damascus and its environs. Although the Umayyads, backed by the Quda'a, were able to reconquer the Caliphate after the decade-long second civil war, it was under the leadership of Marwan, founder of the new ruling Umayyad house, the Marwanids, and his son Abd al-Malik. Having realized the weakness of Mu'awiya's model and lacking in his political skill, the Marwanids abandoned his system in favor of a more traditional form of governance where the caliph was the central authority. Nonetheless, the hereditary succession introduced by Mu'awiya became a permanent feature of many of the Muslim governments that followed.

Kennedy views the preservation of the Caliphate's unity as Mu'awiya's greatest achievement. Expressing a similar viewpoint, Mu'awiya's biographer R. Stephen Humphreys states that although maintaining the integrity of the Caliphate would have been an achievement on its own, Mu'awiya was intent on vigorously continuing the conquests that had been initiated by Abu Bakr and Umar. By creating a formidable navy, he made the Caliphate the dominant force in the eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean. Control of northeastern Iran was secured and the Caliphate's frontier was expanded in North Africa. Madelung deems Mu'awiya a corruptor of the caliphal office, under whom the precedence in Islam (sabiqa), which was the determining factor in the choice of earlier caliphs, gave way to the might of the sword, the people became his subjects and he became the "absolute lord over their life and death". He strangled the communal spirit of Islam and used the religion as a tool of "social control, exploitation and military terrorization".

Mu'awiya was the first caliph whose name appeared on coins, inscriptions, or documents of the nascent Islamic empire. The inscriptions from his reign lacked any explicit reference to Islam or Muhammad and the only titles that appear are 'servant of God' and 'commander of the faithful'. This has led some modern historians to question Mu'awiya's commitment to Islam. They have proposed that he adhered to a non-confessional or indeterminate form of monotheism, or may have been a Christian. Asserting that the earliest Muslims did not see their faith as different from other monotheistic faiths, these historians see the earlier Medina-based caliphs in the same vein, but no public proclamations from their period exist. On the other hand, the historian Robert Hoyland notes that Mu'awiya gave a very Islamic challenge to the Byzantine emperor Constans to "deny [the divinity of] Jesus and turn to the Great God who I worship, the God of our father Abraham" and speculates that Mu'awiya's tour of Christian sites in Jerusalem was done to demonstrate "the fact that he, and not the Byzantine emperor, was now God's representative on earth".

早期历史记载

The surviving Muslim histories originated in Abbasid-era Iraq. The compilers, the narrators from whom the stories were collected, and the overall public sentiment in Iraq were hostile to the Syria-based Umayyads, under whom Syria was a privileged province and Iraq was locally perceived as a Syrian colony. Moreover, the Abbasids, having overthrown the Umayyads in 750, saw them as illegitimate rulers and further tarnished their memory to enhance their own legitimacy. Abbasid caliphs like al-Saffah, al-Ma'mun, and al-Mu'tadid publicly condemned Mu'awiya and other Umayyad caliphs. As such, the Muslim historical tradition is by and large anti-Umayyad. Nonetheless, in the case of Mu'awiya it portrays him in a relatively balanced manner.

On the one hand, it portrays him as a successful ruler who implemented his will with persuasion instead of force. It stresses his quality of hilm, which in his case meant mildness, slowness to anger, subtlety, and management of people by perceiving their needs and desires. The historical tradition is rife with anecdotes of his political acumen and self-control. In one such anecdote, when inquired about allowing one of his courtiers to address him with arrogance, he remarked:

I do not insert myself between the people and their tongue, so long as they do not insert themselves between us and our sovereignty.

The tradition presents him operating in the way of a traditional tribal sheikh who lacks absolute authority; summoning delegations (wufud) of tribal chiefs, and persuading them with flattery, arguments, and presents. This is exemplified in a saying attributed to him: "I never use my voice if I can use my money, never my whip if I can use my voice, never my sword if I can use my whip; but, if I have to use my sword, I will."

On the other hand, the tradition also portrays him as a despot who perverted the caliphate into kingship. In the words of al-Ya'qubi (d. 898):

[Mu'awiya] was the first to have a bodyguard, police-force and chamberlains ... He had somebody walk in front of him with a spear, took alms out of the stipends and sat on a throne with the people below him ... He used forced labour for his building projects ... He was the first to turn this matter [the caliphate] into mere kingship.

Al-Baladhuri calls him the 'Khosrow of the Arabs' (kisra l-'arab). 'Khosrow' was used by the Arabs as a reference to Sasanian Persian monarchs in general, who the Arabs associated with worldly splendor and authoritarianism, as opposed to the humility of Muhammad. Mu'awiya was compared to these monarchs mainly because he appointed his son Yazid as the next caliph, which was viewed as a violation of the Islamic principle of shura and an introduction of dynastic rule on par with the Byzantines and Sasanians. The civil war that erupted after Mu'awiya's death is asserted to have been the direct consequence of Yazid's nomination. In the Islamic tradition, Mu'awiya and the Umayyads are given the title of malik (king) instead of khalifa (caliph), though the succeeding Abbasids are recognized as caliphs.

The contemporary non-Muslim sources generally present a benign image of Mu'awiya. The Greek historian Theophanes calls him a protosymboulos, 'first among equals'. According to Kennedy, the Nestorian Christian chronicler John bar Penkaye writing in the 690s "has nothing but praise for the first Umayyad caliph ... of whose reign he says 'the peace throughout the world was such that we have never heard, either from our fathers or from our grandparents, or seen that there had ever been any like it'".

穆斯林观点

In contrast to the four earlier caliphs, who are considered as models of piety and having governed with justice, Mu'awiya is not recognized as a rightly-guided caliph (khalifa al-rashid) by the Sunnis. He is seen as transforming the caliphate into a worldly and despotic kingship. His acquisition of the caliphate through the civil war and his institution of the hereditary succession by appointing his son Yazid as heir apparent are the principal charges made against him. Although Uthman and Ali had been highly controversial during the early period, religious scholars in the 8th and 9th centuries compromised in order to appease and absorb the Uthmanid and pro-Alid factions. Uthman and Ali were thus regarded along with the first two caliphs as divinely guided, whereas Mu'awiya and those who came after him were viewed as oppressive tyrants. Nevertheless, the Sunnis accord him the status of a companion of Muhammad and consider him a scribe of the Qur'anic revelation (katib al-wahi). On these accounts, he is also respected. Some Sunnis defend his war against Ali holding that although he was in error, he acted according to his best judgment and had no evil intentions.

Mu'awiya's war with Ali, whom the Shia hold as the true successor of Muhammad, has made him a reviled figure in Shia Islam. According to the Shia, based on this alone Mu'awiya qualifies as an unbeliever, if he was a believer to begin with. In addition, he is held responsible for the killing of a number of Muhammad's companions at Siffin, having ordered the cursing of Ali from the pulpit, appointing Yazid as his successor, who went on to kill Husayn at Karbala, executing the pro-Alid Kufan nobleman Hujr ibn Adi, and assassinating Hasan by poisoning. As such, he has been a particular target of Shia traditions. Some traditions hold him to have been born of an illegitimate relationship between Abu Sufyan's wife Hind and Muhammad's uncle Abbas. His conversion to Islam is held to be devoid of any conviction and to have been motivated by convenience after Muhammad conquered Mecca. On this basis he is given the title of taliq (freed slave of Muhammad). A number of hadiths are ascribed to Muhammad condemning Mu'awiya and his father Abu Sufyan in which he is called "an accursed man (la'in) son of an accursed man" and prophesying that he will die as an unbeliever. Unlike the Sunnis, the Shia deny him the status of a companion and also refute the Sunni claims that he was a scribe of the Qur'anic revelation. Like other opponents of Ali, Mu'awiya is cursed in a ritual called tabarra, which is held by many Shia to be an obligation.

Amid rising religious sectarianism among Muslims in the 10th century, while the Abbasid Caliphate was dominated by the Twelver Shia emirs of the Buyid dynasty, the figure of Mu'awiya became a propaganda tool used by the Shia and the Sunnis opposed to them. Strong pro-Mu'awiya sentiments were voiced by Sunnis in several Abbasid cities, including Baghdad, Wasit, Raqqa and Isfahan. At about the same time, the Shia were permitted by the Buyids and the Sunni Abbasid caliphs to perform the ritual cursing of Mu'awiya in mosques. In 10th–11th-century Egypt, the figure of Mu'awiya occasionally played a similar role, with the Ismaili Shia Fatimid caliphs introducing measures opposed to Mu'awiya's memory and opponents of the government using him as a tool to berate the Shia.

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延伸阅读

• Shahin, Aram A. In Defense of Mu’awiya ibn Abi Sufyan: Treatises and Monographs on Mu’awiya from the Eighth to Nineteenth Centuries. Cobb, Paul M. (编). The Lineaments of Islam: Studies in Honor of Fred McGraw Donner. Leiden and Boston: Brill. 2012: 177–208. ISBN 978-90-04-21885-7. 

Dkzzl/阿季奈迪恩战役 Umayyad Dynasty 出生于：602逝世于：26 April 680
前任者： Hasan ibn Ali	Caliph of Islam Umayyad Caliph 661–680	继任者： Yazid I