新奥斯曼主义
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新奥斯曼主义(土耳其语:Yeni Osmanlıcılık)是一种土耳其的帝国主义政治意识形态,目的是促进土耳其在其前身奥斯曼帝国(一个覆盖了整个现代土耳其领土的帝国国家)所统治过的地区之范围内,进行更广泛的政治参与。[注 1]
这个术语与雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安对东地中海之邻国:塞浦路斯、希腊、叙利亚、伊拉克,以及如利比亚和纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫的统一主义、干涉主义、扩张主义之外交政策息息相关。[注 2]然而,该用语被埃尔多安政府成员所否定,例如前外交部长艾哈迈德·达武特奥卢[17]与国会议长穆斯塔法·森托普[18]。
概述
[编辑]该术语首次使用于1985年,大卫·巴查德在漆咸楼的报告[19]中,指出“新奥斯曼主义”可能会是土耳其政府未来采纳的政策之一。在土耳其入侵塞浦路斯的时候,希腊也用了类似的说法。[20]
到了21世纪时,该术语已经成为土耳其政治的国内趋势,奥斯曼的传统与文化的复兴,伴随着正义与发展党(土耳其语:Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi,简称AK Parti或AKP)的崛起而浮上台面。正义与发展党对意识形态的影响,使得奥斯曼文化的影响力更上一层楼,同时使土耳其的世俗主义与共和政体逐渐地被动摇。[21][22]这些理想见证了正发党外交政策即新奥斯曼主义的复兴。
现任土耳其总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安除了把他的支持者跟世俗主义支持者(多为反对派)给区分开来,正义与发展党所倡导的新奥斯曼主义还成为了他们努力让土耳其从议会制转变成总统制之基础。如此,他们便可建立起强大的中央集权,就跟当年的奥斯曼时代一样。因此,其反对者们纷纷表示埃尔多安的表现跟“奥斯曼苏丹”没什么两样。[23][24][25]
历史
[编辑]新奥斯曼主义已经被用来描述正义与发展党领导下的土耳其外交政策,该党在2002年在埃尔多安的领导下掌权,随后他便成为总理。新奥斯曼主义大幅度地翻转了传统的凯末尔主义之外交政策,后者强调向西方靠拢。图尔古特·厄扎尔的诸多土耳其外交政策中,皆证实了该政策理念已经将传统概念逐渐转变,并为新奥斯曼主义迈出了第一步。[26]
新奥斯曼主义在宗教界有一定的基础。法图拉·居连:一位有一定影响力的伊斯兰邪教领袖,着眼于转变个人、社会与政治的活动,并完全接受土耳其民族主义──其定义特点是伊斯兰教本身,而非国籍──和经济新自由主义。同时,他强调土耳其和奥斯曼帝国过去的连续性。[27]他对整体国家和新自由主义的强调,是因为奥斯曼帝国晚期的领土位置与性质不断变化的遗产总和的累积,包括巴尔干半岛上,穆斯林与基督徒间的冲突,以及后来苏联的扩张与威胁。[27]
奥斯曼帝国是一个具有影响力的全球大国,在其鼎盛时期,其疆域至少涵盖了整个巴尔干半岛与中东的大部分区域。随着土耳其与日俱增的地区影响力驱使下,使得新奥斯曼主义外交政策被使用在这些地区,次数逐渐增加。[28]这一决策有助于改善土耳其与邻国的关系,特别是叙利亚、伊拉克与伊朗。然而,土耳其与曾是土耳其盟友的以色列之关系却因此受到影响,尤其是在2008-09年的加沙战争[29]与2010年的加沙船队冲突[30]之后。
然而,于2009-2014年担任土耳其外交部长和新外交政策“首席策定师”的艾哈迈德·达武特奥卢拒绝用“新奥斯曼主义”一词,来描述土耳其的新外交政策。[31]
土耳其的新外交政策引发了主要在西方媒体中的一场辩论,关于土耳其是否正在经历“轴心转移”;换句话说,他是否正在远离欧洲,并向中东、亚洲靠拢。[32]当土耳其跟以色列的紧张局势升级后,此担忧在西方媒体中更加频繁地出现。[32]当时的总统阿卜杜拉·居尔驳斥了土耳其已经改变其外交政策轴心的说法。[33]
达武特奥卢致力于履行“与邻国零问题”之原则来定义土耳其的外交政策,而非新奥斯曼主义。[32]其中,“软实力”被认为是有用的方式之一。[32]
作为新一任的总统,埃尔多安见证了奥斯曼传统的复兴[34][35],他在新总统府使用了奥斯曼风格的仪式来迎接巴勒斯坦总统马哈茂德·阿巴斯,而卫兵之身着皆代表历史上16个大突厥帝国之创开国君主的服装。[36]在担任土耳其总理期间,埃尔多安的正义与发展党多次提及了有关奥斯曼帝国的事情,比如该党会称支持他的民众为“奥斯曼帝国的子孙”(Osmanlı torunu)。[37]此举被证明是具有争议性的,因为这很明显是对穆斯塔法·凯末尔创立的现代土耳其之共和性质进行公开反击。2015年,埃尔多安曾发表声明,他支持用奥斯曼帝国的旧词külliye,来代指“大学校园”,而非标准土耳其词kampüs。[38]因此许多反对者都批评埃尔多安想要成为奥斯曼帝国的苏丹,并放弃共和国该有的世俗与民主。[39][40][41][42]美国哲学家诺姆·乔姆斯基对此表示:“土耳其的埃尔多安基本上是在试图创造像是奥斯曼哈里发的东西,以他为哈里发国之最高领袖,同时去施压、摧残所剩无几的土耳其民主。[43]”
2015年1月,当埃尔多安被提及这个问题时,他否认这些说法,并告诉TRT道,他的目标是担任类似于英国女王伊丽莎白二世的角色,[44]并解释:“在我看来,即使是施行君主立宪的英国,其主导仍然在女王身上。[45]”
2020年7月,在土耳其国务委员会决议取消内阁在1934年将阿亚索菲亚建立成博物馆并撤销纪念碑地位的决定后,埃尔多安下令将其重新归类为清真寺。[46][47]他表示,根据奥斯曼帝国和土耳其的法律,1934年的那项法律是为非法,这是因为穆罕默德二世在统治期间便授予阿亚索菲亚为瓦合甫,并指定该地点是清真寺;支持该决定的支持者认为阿亚索菲亚是苏丹的个人财产。[48]这个重定向决定颇受争议,并引起了反对派、联合国教科文组织、普世教会协会、教廷与其他国家领导人的谴责。[49][50][51]2020年8月,他还签署了将科拉教堂的管理权移交给宗教事务处的行政命令,并将其作为清真寺,开放信众礼拜。[52] 该建筑最初被奥斯曼人改造成清真寺,后来1934年时被当时的政府指定为博物馆。[53][34]
参见
[编辑]注释
[编辑]参考来源
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) (帮助) - ^ Yackley, Ayla. Court Ruling Converting Turkish Museum to Mosque Could Set Precedent for Hagia Sophia. The Art Newspaper. 3 December 2019 [9 December 2019]. (原始内容存档于2021-09-17).
外部链接
[编辑]- M. Hakan Yavuz, Nostalgia for the Empire: The Politics of Neo-Ottomanism (页面存档备份,存于互联网档案馆). Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2020. ISBN 9780197512289.
- Alexander Murinson, Turkish Foreign Policy in the 21st Century: Neo-Ottomanism and the Strategic Depth Doctrine. I. B. Tauris, 2020. ISBN 9781784532406
- Darko Tanasković, Neo-ottomanism: A Doctrine and Foreign Policy Practice. Association of Non-Governmental Organisations of Southeast Europe-CIVIS, 2013. ISBN 9788690810352
- Kubilay Yado Arin, The AKP's Foreign Policy, Turkey's Reorientation from the West to the East? Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Berlin, Berlin 2013. ISBN 9 783865 737199.
- Graham E. Fuller, The New Turkish Republic: Turkey as a Pivotal State in the Muslim World, United States Institute of Peace Press, 2007. ISBN 9781601270191
- Arestakes Simavoryan, Ideological Trends in the Context of Foreign Policy of Turkey (页面存档备份,存于互联网档案馆). Europe & Orient, no. 11 (55-62), 2010.