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使用者:NasalizedNearOpenFrontUnroundedVowel/沙盒

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音系

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輔音

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緬甸語輔音系統[1][2]
雙唇音 齒音 齒齦音 齒齦後音/
硬齶音
軟齶音 聲門音
鼻音 m n ɲ ŋ
ɲ̊ ŋ̊
塞音/
塞擦音
b d ɡ
清不送氣 p t k ʔ
清送氣 tʃʰ
擦音 ð ([d̪ð~]) z
清不送氣 θ ([t̪θ~]) s ʃ
清送氣 h
近音 l j w
ʍ

同時有學者認為,緬甸語字母所代表的輔音音位應為齒塞音/t̪, d̪/, 而非齒擦音/θ, ð/[3]

/ɹ/一般在一些借詞中作為/j/的變體出現。

緬甸語另有一鼻輔音位/ɰ̃/。音節尾的မ် /m/န် /n/ဉ် /ɲ/င် /ŋ/, 及巴利語借詞中使用的 /ɳ/

該鼻輔尾音通常實現為音節核元音的鼻化,但當在出現在塞音前時也有與該塞音同部位的變體,例如{IPA|/mòʊɰ̃dáɪɰ̃/}} 「暴風雨」一詞通常實現為[mõ̀ũndã́ĩ]


The final nasal /ɰ̃/ is the value of the four native final nasals: မ် /m/, န် /n/, ဉ် /ɲ/, င် /ŋ/, as well as the retroflex /ɳ/ (used in Pali loans) and nasalisation mark anusvara demonstrated here above ka (က → ကံ) which most often stands in for a homorganic nasal word medially as in တံခါး tankhá ('door', and တံတား tantá ('bridge') or else replaces final -m မ် in both Pali and native vocabulary, especially after the OB vowel *u e.g. ငံ ngam ('salty'), သုံး thóum ('three; use'), and ဆုံး sóum ('end'). It does not, however, apply to ည် which is never realised as a nasal, but rather as an open front vowel [iː] [eː] or [ɛː]. The final nasal is usually realised as nasalisation of the vowel. It may also allophonically appear as a homorganic nasal before stops. For example, in /mòʊɰ̃dáɪɰ̃/ ('storm'), which is pronounced [mõ̀ũndã́ĩ].

元音

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緬甸語元音系統
單元音 雙元音
Front offglide Back offglide
i u
半閉 e ə o ei ou
半開 ɛ ɔ
a ai au

The monophthongs /e/, /o/, /ə/ and /ɔ/ occur only in open syllables (those without a syllable coda); the diphthongs /ei/, /ou/, /ai/ and /au/ occur only in closed syllables (those with a syllable coda). /ə/ only occurs in a minor syllable, and is the only vowel that is permitted in a minor syllable (see below).

The close vowels /i/ and /u/ and the close portions of the diphthongs are somewhat mid-centralized ([ɪ, ʊ]) in closed syllables, i.e. before /ɰ̃/ and /ʔ/. Thus နှစ် /n̥iʔ/ ('two') is phonetically [n̥ɪʔ] and ကြောင် /tɕàũ/ ('cat') is phonetically [tɕàʊ̃].

聲調

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緬甸語有四個聲調,聲調之間的區別包括音高發聲態,。

Burmese is a tonal language, which means phonemic contrasts can be made on the basis of the tone of a vowel. In Burmese, these contrasts involve not only pitch, but also phonation, intensity (loudness), duration, and vowel quality. However, some linguists consider Burmese a pitch-register language like Shanghainese.[4]

There are four contrastive tones in Burmese. In the following table, the tones are shown marked on the vowel /a/ as an example.

聲調 緬甸語名稱 IPA
(以a為例)
Symbol
(以a為例)
發聲態 時長 響度 音高
Low နိမ့်သံ [aː˧˧˦] à normal medium low low, often slightly rising[5]
High တက်သံ [aː˥˥˦] á sometimes slightly breathy long high high, often with a fall before a pause[5]
Creaky သက်သံ [aˀ˥˧] tense or creaky, sometimes with lax glottal stop medium high high, often slightly falling[5]
Checked တိုင်သံ [ăʔ˥˧] centralized vowel quality, final glottal stop short high high (in citation; can vary in context)[5]

For example, the following words are distinguished from each other only on the basis of tone:

  • Low ခါ /kʰà/ "shake"
  • High ခါး /kʰá/ "be bitter"
  • Creaky /kʰ/ "to wait upon; to attend on"
  • Checked ခတ် /kʰ/ "to beat; to strike"

In syllables ending with /ɰ̃/, the checked tone is excluded:

  • Low ခံ /kʰàɰ̃/ "undergo"
  • High ခန်း /kʰáɰ̃/ "dry up (usually a river)"
  • Creaky ခန့် /kʰɰ̃/ "appoint"

In spoken Burmese, some linguists classify two real tones (there are four nominal tones transcribed in written Burmese), "high" (applied to words that terminate with a stop or check, high-rising pitch) and "ordinary" (unchecked and non-glottal words, with falling or lower pitch), with those tones encompassing a variety of pitches.[6] The "ordinary" tone consists of a range of pitches. Linguist L. F. Taylor concluded that "conversational rhythm and euphonic intonation possess importance" not found in related tonal languages and that "its tonal system is now in an advanced state of decay."[7][8]

音節結構

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緬甸語的音節遵循 C(G)V((V)C) 的結構,即音節首必許包括一個輔音並可以有一個半元音介音韻基可以包括一個單元音,一個單元音和音節尾輔音或者一個雙元音和音節尾輔音。其中,可能的音節尾輔音有/ʔ//ɰ̃/ 。每種音節結構的例詞見下:

  • CV မယ် /mɛ̀/ 「密(對年輕女性的稱呼)」
  • CVC မက် /mɛʔ/ 「渴望」
  • CGV မြေ /mjè/ 「土地」
  • CGVC မျက် /mjɛʔ/ 「眼睛」
  • CVVC မောင် /màʊɰ̃/ 「貌(對年輕男性的稱呼)」
  • CGVVC မြောင်း /mjáʊɰ̃/ 「深谷」

緬甸語同時還有 /Cə/ 形式的次要音節結構,其特徵為音節首無複輔音,無介音,無聲調,無韻尾,並且不能作為詞尾音節。例子包括:

  • ခလုတ် /kʰə.loʊʔ/ 「開關,按鈕」
  • ပလွေ /pə.lwè/ 「笛」
  • သရော် /θə.jɔ̀/ 「嘲弄」
  • ကလက် /kə.lɛʔ/ 「輕浮」
  • ထမင်းရည် /tʰə.mə.jè/ 「米湯」

劃分

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傳統上把南亞語系劃分為孟高棉語族蒙達語族。Diffloth(1974)又把孟-高棉語族劃分為東支、北支、南支。

Diffloth(2005)提出了一種新的劃分方法,把北支(卡西—克木)單獨劃為一個語族。具體劃分如下:

南亞語系 
 蒙達語族  

Remo英語Bonda language(bfw)

薩瓦拉語英語Sora language(srb)

卡里亞(khr)–朱昂語支英語Juang language(jun)

科爾庫語(kfq)

Kherwarian

克木語支

布賡語支

崩龍語支

卡西語支

 核心孟高棉語族 

越語支

卡都語支

巴拿語支英語Bahnaric languages

高棉語比爾語支

尼科巴語支

亞斯里語支

孟語

Sidwell(2009)對南亞語系36種語言進行了詞彙統計,認為傳統劃分證據不足,因此把十幾個語支都和蒙達語族並列起來。

相關頁面

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參考文獻

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  • Adams, K. L. (1989). Systems of numeral classification in the Mon-Khmer, Nicobarese and Aslian subfamilies of Austroasiatic. Canberra, A.C.T., Australia: Dept. of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University. ISBN 0858833735
  • Alves, Mark J. (2014). Mon-Khmer. In Rochelle Lieber and Pavel Stekauer (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Derivational Morphology, 520-544. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Alves, Mark J. (2015). Morphological functions among Mon-Khmer languages: beyond the basics. In N. J. Enfield & Bernard Comrie (eds.), Languages of Mainland Southeast Asia: the state of the art. Berlin: de Gruyter Mouton, 531–557.
  • Byomkes Chakrabarti, A Comparative Study of Santali and Bengali, 1994
  • Filbeck, D. (1978). T'in: a historical study. Pacific linguistics, no. 49. Canberra: Dept. of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University. ISBN 0858831724
  • Hemeling, K. (1907). Die Nanking Kuanhua. (German language)
  • Peck, B. M., Comp. (1988). An Enumerative Bibliography of South Asian Language Dictionaries.
  • Peiros, Ilia. 1998. Comparative Linguistics in Southeast Asia. Pacific Linguistics Series C, No. 142. Canberra: Australian National University.
  • Shorto, Harry L. edited by Sidwell, Paul, Cooper, Doug and Bauer, Christian (2006). A Mon-Khmer comparative dictionary. Canberra: Australian National University. Pacific Linguistics. ISBN 0-85883-570-3
  • Shorto, H. L. Bibliographies of Mon-Khmer and Tai Linguistics. London oriental bibliographies, v. 2. London: Oxford University Press, 1963.
  • Sidwell, Paul (2005) "Proto-Katuic Phonology and the Sub-grouping of Mon-Khmer Languages". In Sidwell, ed., SEALSXV: papers from the 15th meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistic Society.
  • Zide, Norman H., and Milton E. Barker. (1966) Studies in Comparative Austroasiatic Linguistics, The Hague: Mouton (Indo-Iranian monographs, v. 5.).

外部連結

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  1. ^ Chang 2003,第63頁.
  2. ^ Watkins 2001.
  3. ^ Jenny & San San Hnin Tun 2016,第15頁.
  4. ^ Jones 1986,第135-136頁.
  5. ^ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 Wheatley 1987.
  6. ^ Taylor 1920,第91–106頁.
  7. ^ Taylor 1920.
  8. ^ Benedict 1948,第184–191頁.